POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE STEREOTYPES OF INTERNAL MINORITIES AND NEIGHBORING

Media Monitored

The publications monitored are five daily newspapers published seven days a week: Apogevmatini [(AP.) average February 1998 daily circulation of 40,659 copies], Adesmeftos Typos [(A.T.) 24,323], Eleftheros Typos [(E.T.), 57,182] – all right-wing and quite nationalist and populist, Ethnos [(ETH.), 55,050, center-left and rather nationalist] and Eleftherotypia [(EL.), 76.460, center-left with occasional nationalist overtones]. One morning paper Kathimerini [(K.), 45,083, center-right and mildly nationalist], not published on Mondays, two evening papers Exoussia [(EX.), 34,437, center-left with occasional nationalist overtones] and Ta Nea [(N.), 99,081, centrist and mildly nationalist], which are not published on Sundays; and To Vima [(V.), 226,968, centrist and mildly nationalist], the Sunday newspaper printed by the publisher of Ta Nea. These newspapers have the largest circulation at the national level and cover all major political orientations and trends. Still, since December 1997 and due to the decline in the cirulation of three of them (AP A.T. and EX having fallen well under 50,000 copies daily or per issue) Greek Helsinki Monitor decided to restrict its monitoring to those publications with circulation above 50,000 average or, at least, for one daily issue per week.

Internal Minorities Monitored

The following national, ethnolinguistic, religious minorities and immigrant communities in Greece are monitored: Macedonians (as well as Slavo-Macedonians), Turks, Roma (Gypsies), Pomaks, Vlachs, Arvanites, Catholics, Protestants, Jehovahs Witnesses, New Religious Movements and immigrants living in Greece. The composition minority populations is: Roma 3.3%, Arvanites 2%, Macedonians 2%, Vlachs 2%, Turks 0.5% and Pomaks 0.3%. Immigrants, most of them illegal, make up some 5%-6%. The religious minorities make up 1%. Members of minority groups – ethnic and religious – and immigrants have been subjected to various forms of discrimination.

Internal Minorities

Turkish minority

Even a superficial glance at the Greek press indicates the presence of a very important change in the treatment of the delicate issue of the Turkish minority in Western Thrace. The newspapers have started criticizing more openly the various political errors of most of the recent Greek governments in regards to this issue. However, this display of brave and unbiased criticism seems to be limited only to some secondary issues, while the overall approach is one of complete disregard for human and minority rights stipulated in various international documents. Some of these are the right: to self-determination, of free election of the religious leaders, to political representation or that of fundamental educational rights. In this way the reader is left with the impression that, indeed, some mistakes have been made in the past, but nowadays everything is on the right track. Thus the public is unable to understand that there is still a lot to be done for the normal life of the minority in Thrace.

Whenever the minority tries to improve the situation by speaking out about its problems and by taking initiatives for the respect of its rights, the reaction of the press in most instances is negative. The newspapers "read between the lines" and see these initiatives as nothing else but attempts for the defamation of Greece. The minority is said to be enjoying all rights provided for by international law. Thus the following conclusion is drawn: incited by Turkey, the minority exists only to tarnish Greece’s image, to provide an alibi to the violation of the rights of the Greek minority in Turkey, to misinform and disorientate the international public opinion. "The report of the Commission of Human Rights of the Turkish Parliament on the Muslim minority of Western Thrace is absolutely audacious. (…) For a long time now some bureaucratic difficulties regarding delays in the acquisition of land and houses from members of the minority have been done away with … And none of these difficulties would have ever been considered as prohibitions… Obviously, the Turkish defenders of human rights had a problem with the - better late than never - assistance of the Greek state for the various Muslim communities, so that the latter develop the cultural and ethnological elements of their identity. The support for the Pomak culture, as well as the promotion of the Pomak and the Roma languages hinder the efforts of the Turkish state to exploit politically the Greek Muslim citizens, playing around their supposed Turkish identity. Used to the traditional inertia of Athens regarding this matter, the Turks get anxious at the loss of their advantage for propaganda." (K. editorial, Mar. 5) "The Turkish biased misinformation in regard to Greece never stops… According to some Turkish papers, a documentary on the minority in Thrace has been shot with the support of money from the Turkish state. Once again ‘suppression’ and ‘human rights violations’ appear on stage. These are arguments which have nothing to do with reality. Still, our neighbors used their connections and huge amounts of money spent on their international propaganda and succeeded not only to promote the documentary on many European channels, but also to present it at some movie festivals" (E.T. Mar. 4).

Looking for confrontation when mentioning the respective minorities in Greece and Turkey is a recurrent tactic employed by the Greek press. This is done with a view to show Greece as a democratic European country in contrast to barbaric and oppressive Turkey. Thus the reader gets the misleading impression that Greece is a paradise for minorities, a country which does not have any problems as regards its human rights record. Keeping all this in mind, it is easy to understand why the Greek public seems to share the feelings of suspicion and anxiety at the operation of the Turkish Consulate in Komotini, which are usually promoted by the right-wing opposition press. The alleged pro-Turkish (and therefore anti-Greek) aims and activities of the Consulate lead to the point that the mere existence of that delegation is questioned. "The general Turkish Consul in Komotini spreads out hostile propaganda, controls and terrorizes the Muslim minority with Turkish spies in every large village. These spies assimilate the recently arrived Muslims of different races into the ‘Great Turkish nation.’ The muftis are also involved. They try to create the feeling among the Muslims that Greece wants nothing else, but to get rid of them, while Mother Turkey opposes to that" (A.T. Nov. 25).

When all this is coupled with the occasional scary scenarios which deal with "the plans of some evil foreigners," who aim at the destruction of beautiful and ethnically and religiously pure Greece, it is not difficult to explain the role of stereotypes in public opinion formation. "The whole area of Thrace has been infiltrated with the so called diplomats who spread out into the minority villages, and naturally, unhindered, give their information to their bosses in the MIT. Maybe, it is necessary to take immediate measures to deal more successfully with the very suspicious and dangerous policy of the Consulate, and at least to re-examine the reasons for its operation" (ETH. Dec. 22). The cultivation and strengthening of such feelings and images seem to work as the perfect alibi for the involvement of the Greek press when it comes to governmental decisions and actions. It seems that the Greek media support the idea that the "one-eyed is better than the blind," something which is rather distressing and does not give much hope for the future.

Following the visit to Thrace of the opposition’s leader, K. Karamanlis, ETH. (Nov. 29) refers to the "hard-core minorities." This comment was provoked by the demands which the president of the community, Moulas Neznel, had voiced. They included: "more religious freedom, the right to elect their own mufti… the ratification in practice of the Treaty of Lausanne with reference to minorities, getting books in their own languages, etc." The distinction between the hard-core of the minority and the rest of the minority representatives is also used for political reasons, namely, in order to relate their demands to Turkish imperialism rather than to the international legal standards. It is interesting that the opposition papers did not comment on the above opinion. This would not have happened had it been for a statement by the Prime Minister.

The fact that the minority in Thrace has been used politically, both at home and abroad, has been proved again and again. Keeping in mind all this, it is easy to see why a pro-governmental newspaper (ETH) treats the whole situation of the minority, especially its ongoing demands for equality and legal rights in a rather negative way. On the other hand, opposition AP. (Nov. 29) did not comment on these demands. The same policy was followed by the other opposition papers - E.T. and A. T. - on the same day. In addition, the Sunday editions of both papers "forgot about" the demands, focusing on other "less dangerous" matters which were not so damaging to the opposition party’s image.

Regarding the right to self-determination, the following is a textbook example of the attitude of the Greek press towards minority issues. EL. (Feb. 18 & 19) in its most read "para-political" column implies that the two Turkish minority deputies - G. Galip (of the governing socialist PASOK) and B. Akifoglou (of the conservative opposition New Democracy) - must be expelled from their parties and from Parliament, for having dared declare that the minority they represent is Turkish. Galip’s other "crime" was that he had been elected President of the minority’s High Consultative Committee of the Turks of Western Thrace with the alleged support of Akifoglou. Similar is the coverage by N. (Feb. 19), by the largest selling conservative daily E.T. (Feb. 19) and by the ultra-nationalistic weekly STOHOS (Feb. 18). Surprisingly the latter’s article had a striking resemblance to EL.’s comment of the same day. This convergence supports the widespread impression shared by observers on minority issues in Greece that in fact in 8 out of 10 cases, Greek media cover these issues and provide (mis)information based on one and only source - the corresponding "specialized" state agencies.

Still, there are some exceptions to this obsessive attachment to the term "Muslim," instead of "Turkish" minority: "Why do some people freak out and talk about filth flank when they hear that Muslims in Thrace refer to Turkey as their ‘motherland’? These same people get weepy and celebrate euphorically when the same words are heard, from example, from a representative of the Greek minority in Albania?" (EL. Dec. 2). 

Until recently, both the Turks and the Pomaks of Thrace have been dealt with in the same manner. Due to the traditional state practice in relation to minority matters the Pomaks have, for many years, been treated as a category of people who do not differ from the "Turkish-speaking Muslim" Greek citizens. A new trend of sympathy for and rediscovery of the culture and traditions of the Pomaks has started recently. For years the Pomaks used to be seen only in the shadow of the Turks. The message conveyed nowadays is that the Greek state is not responsible for their isolation. The latter is the result of political manipulation by extremist circles of the Turkish minority. Lately, the two communities were presented as having problems in their coexistence. "I am a Greek Pomak and I am proud of it. However, some people from the minority, who have the same religion as mine, do not seem willing to accept my assessment. They do not recognize the existence of the Pomaks, even the word Pomak bothers them." (ETH. quoting Omer Hamdi, Dec. 14).

At the same time the whole spectrum of the Greek press encouraged the initiatives for the publication of the "first" Pomak dictionary, the "first" Pomak-language newspaper, as well as the recording of Pomak stories and traditional songs -efforts not resulting from any scholarly work, we need to add. Once again, one gets the feeling that this support is not always due to support for human and minority rights. Trying to emphasize the alleged cooling down of relations between the supposedly separate Pomak community and the Turkish community of Thrace, a large number of papers present the latter as reacting negatively, almost provocatively, towards these initiatives. "Animosity from the Turkish-language press towards a Pomak writer" (EL. Nov. 21). "First reactions, both positive and negative, after the publication of the Pomak-language ‘Zagalisa.’ The editor-in-chief of the newspaper told us ‘I see it as a positive step towards the building of a feeling of identity…’ On the other hand the Synaspismos MP, Mr. Mustafa, disagreed: ‘I think this is done within a scheme for pacifying the minorities in a subversive way… We have the phenomenon of getting expression of love for the Pomak language, and for the Gypsies, from people who advocate the expulsion of minorities.’ The third opinion was of the President of the unofficial Higher Minority Council, A. Bekiroglou: ‘It is an effort which does not interest the people, it does not concern anyone.’" (EL. Nov. 2).

When it comes to the issue of the abolition of Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code, the Greek press seems to be divided according to the political orientation of each paper. The pro-government press tries to welcomes the initiative in spite of a contrary public opinion attitude. The main argument is based more on the need for the Greek government to put an end to the defamation of the country, and much less on any respect for human rights. "The citizenship article which presents Greece in a very negative light is about to be abolished" (N. Jan. 15). The conservative opposition press has a much more reserved, if not negative, attitude towards the idea. "Dangerous games with the abolition of Article 19." (E.T. Jan. 24). Similar was the coverage regarding the event which the Greek Helsinki Monitor organized for the stateless victims of Article 19. [The event followed the decision on the abolition]. "On the occasion of the International Human Rights Day, the Greek Helsinki Monitor organized an event dealing with the problems faced by the ‘minorities of Thrace.’ The most sensational thing, however, is how the organization announced the activity. They said that a non-citizen called Aisel Zeybek was going to appear for the first time in public!" The ironic comments of E.T are the complete opposite of EL.’s (Dec. 29) position: "Aisel was re-born at twenty."

Writing about the initiative of the Greek National Radio to broadcast programs in Turkish, EL. (Nov. 27) stresses that "it is a brave initiative, showing that Greece respects and implements in practice the agreements within the Framework Convention on the Protection of Minorities of the Council of Europe" (…) "It is sure that in this case some overheated patriots will condemn and slander this historic initiative. These would be the ones who have held up the bars behind which the Greek Pomaks needed to move around their own country. We saw what the result was. These people were embraced by the Turkish Consulate. These overheated patriots were the ones who upheld the inadmissible case of bilingual Greeks of Macedonia and Eastern Thrace, stopped the latter’s festivals and even forbade their local songs and dances, making these minority people feel (without any reason) inferior".

As regards the Macedonian minority, the pending trial of its party - Rainbow - can be mentioned. Even though as a rule the subject is played down, the comments which come out are particularly negative. The Macedonian minority in Greece is not officially recognized. Whenever it takes initiatives for its recognition and these initiatives are based on international justice, this is labeled as anti-Greek and provocative. The Greeks are obsessed with the idea that they are being persecuted by foreign centers which aim at Greece’s national and religious disintegration. The press strengthens these fears and brings forth feelings based on xenophobic complexes and not on civilized principles. "It is around Florina and Aridaia that the Rainbow young and brave men live. It is these oppressed and wounded ‘Macedonians’ who want independence and closer relations with Mama Skopje" (A.T. Oct. 10).

On the eve of the trial, 11 Greek and seven international NGOs issued a common statement which gave details about the case and condemned the trial. The initiative went almost unnoticed by the same media, which frequently devote entire pages when these same NGOs condemn similar violations of human rights in neighboring countries, especially in Turkey. On the other hand, the coverage of the trial by the largest circulation Greek papers, as well as their positions related to the breaking into Rainbow’s headquarters in September 1995, were as usual characterized by the intense rhetoric of hate and the use of abundant negative stereotypes. All this contributed to the aggravation of the already loaded atmosphere. The defendants were called "Skopje-lovers" while being accused of "propagandistic use of the trial" where they had distributed leaflets "with propagandistic material." They were also accused of "provocative appearance in the court room which resulted in small incidents" (EL. Oct. 15). According to the international monitors present, all these allegations were groundless.

E.T. praised the harassment, which a reporter from the Macedonian Television got from a lawyer. The latter called the journalist "insolent" without any reason. This harassment was witnessed by the police and the court security guards, however, without any intervention on their part. The defendants were again called "separatist Skopje-lovers," while Rainbow members were accused of "abuse, threat and damage of foreign property" because "they had hung up in their office in the center of town signs in Bulgarian" (E.T. Oct. 15). The one and only dissenting voice in the overwhelming outcry against Rainbow was the Ios rubric in EL. (Oct. 18). The latter stressed that the persecution of the members of this political party was in complete opposition to the provisions of the Framework Convention on Minority Rights.

The legalization of the immigrants who live and work in Greece constantly makes the headlines, especially recently, because of the practical implementation of the related decision. Most Greek media, even the ones which show some concern as regards the readiness of the civil services to implement the decision, greeted the initiative with relief. However, there were some negative reactions from the conservative political and journalistic sector. One of the prevailing arguments against this decision is related to the import of minorities into Greece. "Circles within the ministries of Foreign Affairs and Public Order express fears at the probability of mass migration of Albanian refugees into our country in the immediate future. Diplomats emphasize that the legalization of the thousands of Albanian citizens may, in the future, form a typical minority" (E.T. Dec. 3) "Our country is in great danger. If the government keeps its present policy, in a few years we, the Greeks, will have become a minority in our country, a minority which is dwindling. The government is going to legalize all the illegal immigrants who have come to Greece" (AP. Oct. 2, letter by K. Makris).

The increase of both unemployment and criminality are blamed on the immigrants. "At least 25 more women – apart from those who were raped by four Albanian criminals the day before yesterday – have been raped by foreigners since the beginning of the year" (E.T. Oct. 9). This hyperbolic attitude of the Greek mass media in relation to crime is based on the official bulletins of the Ministry of Public Order, as many progressive newspapers report: "The comforting thing is that according to the figures which were published yesterday Greece, in comparison with other countries in the European Union, has a very low crime rate. What is more, the information from the EU says that our country does not suffer from organized crime" (K. Oct. 11). The crime issue carries away the Greek press, especially the conservative opposition papers, as well as the electronic media. The cultivation of a xenophobic (mostly "Albanophobic") climate lies behind the heated dialogue between the progressive, pro-government press and the nationalistic and populist opposition papers. "A rough estimation shows that every Albanian immigrant corresponds to 20 Greek future candidate immigrants. Eat them, before they eat you!" (E.T. Mar. 14). "It is unfair to burden all the immigrants with all the crimes that take place in Greece and use this method as an alibi for our innocence" (EL. Mar. 12, editorial).

Pan-Balkan Conference in Crete

The Pan-Balkan conference in Crete monopolizes the interest of the Greek media. The motives, the objectives and the future of this initiative are discussed. Opinions differ depending on the political orientation of the newspapers. In general, the pro-government press supports the whole effort even when on several occasions they express their dissatisfaction with the political results. The symbolic nature of the event is judged as particularly important for the creation of a positive climate among the Balkan countries. "The mere fact that the Pan-Balkan cooperation has been set up in Greece, and mostly as a result of a Greek initiative is surely a positive factor which supports the country’s role in the area" (A.T. Nov. 7).

On the other hand, the opposition press is more reserved, claiming that the government is toeing the line of foreign decision-makers. There are some markedly positive comments about the contact between the Albanian Prime Minister, F. Nano, and the Serbian President, S. Milosevic, within the framework of the Cretan meeting: "After 50 years, the ice between Tirana and Belgrade has melted" (K. Nov. 4). For the Greek media the surprise comes from Romania. "To everybody’s astonishment, the Romanian representative provoked the strongest reactions of all. At the outset of the meeting he refused to sign even a joint bulletin. This resulted in the fact that there would be a special angry meeting between T. Pangalos and the Romanian Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs" (EL. Nov. 11).

As for the meeting of the Greek Prime Minister, K. Simitis and his Turkish counterpart, M. Yelmaz the facts are presented again according to the political orientation of the newspaper. The pro-government press greets the effort, seeing it at least as a first step towards the improvement of the political climate after the failure of the New York talks at the level of Foreign Ministers. "(…) The meeting between Simitis and Yelmaz seemed to carry a much greater importance than ever before and than was publicly attributed to it" (EX. Nov. 5). The opposition press, however, deals with the whole issue with skepticism and distrust, criticizing the Greek government for a compliant foreign policy, which simply follows the orders of the USA and of the other protectors of Turkey. The Turkish Prime Minister is presented negatively, simply as a mouthpiece of the military establishment in his country, tied up in internal problems and identity conflicts. "The Turkish generals sent their subordinate to Greece, filling his pockets with notes on what he had to say, especially during his meeting with Simitis. At the same time they acted disrespectfully with their irrational display of strength, which was extremely insulting to the prestige of the pan-Balkan talks, by sending in airplanes with the idea of showing to all Balkan representatives that weapons, and particularly Turkish weapons, are the decisive factors in the whole area!" (ETH. Nov. 4).

The ritual coverage of the annual report of the US State Department (Jan. 30) is a very good example of how the Greek media misinform their audience, so that the latter strengthens its negative stereotypes towards neighbors and internal minorities. "They even discovered a Slav-speaking minority in Greece!" is the title of N. (Jan. 31). However, the existence of tens of thousands of such "Slav-speakers" in Northern Greece has been mentioned in all such reports since 1990. It has been referred to as one of the country’s major human rights problems in all serious Greek and international reports and has recently been acknowledged even by some minor political parties in Greece. EX. (Jan. 31) wonders about the reference to a Slav-speaking minority in the special editorial devoted to the issue: "False step of the US in the State Department Report."

The USA is also blamed for having insisted on the multitude of revocations of the citizenship of minority Greek citizens under the notorious Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code. It is worthwhile to mention that the article was reportedly abolished a week before the release of the report (which anyway covered the period of Jan-Dec ’97). Given the government’s multiple declarations in 1997 that Article 19 was going to be abolished, EX. claims that such references were unnecessary. However, when one recalls the numerous promises for such legislative changes which the various Greek governments have been making since 1990, s/he cannot be so gullible.

The bilateral relations between Greece and Albania have become exceptionally good recently. "It is a public secret that the recent events have promoted the good relations between the two countries. Albania expects much from Greece, while our county wants to strengthen her role in Albania and in the Balkans in general" (AP. Oct. 12). The visit by the Greek Prime Minister, K. Simitis, to Tirana was greeted by the whole Greek press. The only exception was E.T. (Oct. 16) commenting: "They take us for Albanian tourists! We give billions and get only promises in return." A.T. (Oct. 10) was restrained in its article headed "Cautious Optimism," claiming that "Even though the two-day visit is characterized as satisfactory, the Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs feels that the Albanian Prime Minister, F. Nano, did not show the expected warmth towards Greece. This was assumed because of Tirana’s refusal to give permissions for the establishment of three new bishops in the Orthodox Church, as well as because of the bureaucratic obstacles put to Greek boats entering Dirahio and of some political movements of Nano himself."

The incidents of violence in Northern Albania and the fact that they may be steps within the ultimate efforts made by S. Berisha in an attempt to achieve a glorious come back to the Albanian political scene worry the Greek press. The fears that the neighboring country may fall back into its bloody past are more than obvious. "One could not imagine a better way for Albania to ‘celebrate’ the annual anniversary of the tragic events that took place in the country 12 months ago. History repeats itself, (most of the time this happens as a joke) and what can be a better ‘joke’ than the repetition of the chaotic scenario of 1997…" (K. Feb. 27).

The image of the Albanians is distorted by the presence of many Albanians in Greece and by last year’s armed uprising. As a rule the negative aspect is the one which is highlighted. "Albanians kill us, they rob us, they rape women in the middle of the street, while some ‘liberals’ continue to talk about racism. A prosecutor has brought the charge of intentional manslaughter on a policeman who had done nothing other than defend himself against Albanians who attacked him. The Greek citizens feel unsafe…" (A.T. Oct. 11). "They have been brought up, in case you did not know, with the pseudo propaganda that the borders of Albania end at Nafplio and one day they will free their country from the Greeks! So when they kill and steal in cold blood in Greece they feel, at least, like Americans in civvies in the 30’s. They are the bosses! We will soon have long-term problems with hem" (ETH. Oct. 12). "Albania is a country which is close to us, and for many years we did not really know what was happening behind its borders. We learnt much in the last few years – some of it from personal observation, and most of it – from the images in the news bulletins and from the thousands of Albanians who have come into Greece. We quickly put them in the categories of ‘illiterate’ and ‘uncouth’ in order to ‘promote’ them eventually into ‘thieves, traitors, robbers, murderers,’ titles which accompany them in our conscience. Next time that we show our guts to the little Albanians when they ‘annoy’ us, while we are out enjoying ourselves, let us think which faces from our mythology we may remind them of" (K. Oct. 4).

The following comments reflect the useful to both Greece and Bulgaria equation of the Macedonian language and nationality with the Bulgarian ones, as well as the questionable (this time only for Greece) references about a Bulgarian minority in Greece. "A few days ago, on 6/10/97, the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences presented the new National Doctrine of the country. This document claims that Bulgaria borders with itself, because it is surrounded by sister Bulgarian states in which Bulgarian minorities live. (…) However, the basic idea of all this presents a gloomy picture for the future of the Balkans. It is obvious that the sister Bulgarian state is FYROM, while the minorities are found without doubt in the Republic of Greece" (K. Oct. 12).

The economic crisis, from which Bulgaria has been suffering for a long time, together with the perspective for a closer cooperation between Greece and Bulgaria, attract the interest of the Greek media. "Believe it or not, there are still some children in this world who celebrate the securing of a piece of bread. We do not refer to some distant Third World country, but to our very neighbor Bulgaria" (E.T. Feb. 15).

Recently the Greek press has started presenting more and more critical opinions on the nationalistic position regarding the "Macedonian question," the policy followed after the dissolution of former Yugoslavia and the need to recognize the neighboring country whose name is still unmentionable. Now this question is dealt with more realistically, due to the awareness of the mutual interests of the countries and the promotion of Greece as the country which can ensure peace and stability in the Balkans. "Greece is obsessed with the idea of ignoring the Slavomacedonian nation… Nations are self-determined. No third parties decide in their name and about their name. In case of national identity conflicts, the solution is the result of a dialogue and mutually respected compromise. It is not a matter of a winner-loser situation" (EL. article by A. Heraklides, Jan. 25)

The team of investigative journalists known with their collective name Ios had an article with the title "Press Wearing A Yellow Kilt" [here ‘kilt’ is the translation of "fustanela," a traditional piece of clothing for men in Greece and in Albania]. In it the readers of the Sunday edition of EL. (Feb. 2) are able to see how even the country’s supposedly "serious" newspapers engaged in unscrupulous "yellow" journalism a few years ago (1992-1995) "at the time of national paroxysm." Significant examples of this are the discovery of some "250, 000 pure Greeks living in the area of Skopje" [meaning the whole Republic of Macedonia] (K. 1/1/92), as well as the allegations that "Gligorov’s government prepares an offensive military machine" (V. 7/11/93) when Macedonia was merely trying to organize its first ever 30,000-men strong army.

Of course, now that Greece’s failure in respect to the name issue is more than a fact, it is safe to take positions like these. The publication of such objective positions does not mean that Greek public opinion recognizes the use of the terms "Macedonia/Macedonians" as the constitutional name of the neighboring state. Nor that Greeks will ever admit the existence of ethnic Macedonians in Greece itself. The attitude towards these names as pseudo-names is still widespread. "The only way out for the Skopje leadership is to upgrade the ideology of pseudo-Macedonianism. This is the only product which works for the unification of the various national groups there… Some sources say that Skopje has already begun talking freely about a ‘Macedonian minority’ in Greece. However, in order not to be condemned for the violation of the Interim Agreement of 1995, they use the shop-window of some putative NGOs which traffic in the well-known propaganda about the ‘Aegean Macedonians’" (E.T. Nov. 23).

The eagerness to show the irrefutable connection between Greece and Ancient Macedonia on every occasion is obvious. "An exhibit of 74 ancient tablets proves once again, even to the most unbelieving ones, the Hellenism of Macedonia" (AP. Oct. 12).

Lately, the Greek press has started presenting the claims of both countries that they have national minorities on the territory of the other one. Still, for Greece this is not an official position of the government, but rather the position of some journalists and politicians with conservative and even fascist ideas. These people use the alleged Greek minority as a counterweight to the demands of the Macedonian side related to the Macedonian minority in Greece. "The artificial state of Skopje not only challenges the historical reality and truth but also terrorizes the defenseless Greeks who live in the area" (El. 2/11/97, statement by S. Anastasakos, PASOK deputy).

The above tendency explains why the Greek press made a big issue out of the trial of a Macedonian citizen who had declared himself of Greek origin in the latest census. The impression one gets, while reading the Greek press, is that this person is being persecuted because he did not declare himself a Macedonian. However, the criminal case as such is of beating up a member of the nationalistic branch of VMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization). The case is a good excuse to open once more the discussion about the name of the neighboring country, to remind it of its Bulgarian origin and to reproach the "Skopjan trading in Greek history and tradition."

All this is intended to strengthen the image of an undemocratic country which does nothing else but create problems for Greece. The Greek Helsinki Monitor is also accused of showing bias on the issue. Even leftist newspapers in the progressive sector like AVGI cover the subject, even though AVGI has never presented on its pages any Greek citizens who declare themselves ethnic Macedonians. "The organization [GHM] does not seem to show any concern about the case of Konstandinides, who has been through an unbelievable judicial adventure and is in danger of going into jail in Skopje." (…) "An orgy of public threats followed; abuse and aggression from the Bulgarian-speaking agents of the VMRO and from the Skopjan police" (E.T. Dec. 11). Things became much clearer when a few days after that the nationalistic newspaper STOHOS spoke about its agent in Skopje. The newspaper criticized his refuge to the Macedonian judicial system and his desire to defend himself in Greek, judging that such a precedent would open the way for Macedonians in Greece to follow his example.

Political conspiracy is given as the reason behind the November meeting of national minorities in Tetovo (Macedonia). EL. (Dec. 16) characteristically refers to the common "line of Ankara and Skopje and their games with minorities." The newspaper claims that the meeting was financed by the state (Skopje) with the addition of material aid from the Turkish Embassy there. The report makes the assumption that Macedonia and Turkey act together and fight together (always against Greece) in order to promote non-existent minority problems, with the aim of bringing their achievements back to Greece and slandering the latter for lack of respect for human and minority rights. The editor of the article talks about the "unusual manhandling and distortions" of reality, on the basis that "the whole meeting was presented as a Turkish-Skopjan synonym" (EL. Dec. 31). In the answer which was given by the participants in the meeting, the allegations of financing by the state and of the participation of the Turkish Embassy were denied. It is claimed that "the editor aimed to hush up the decisions which were taken…he did not refer to the content of the joint bulletin" cultivating impressions and feelings which belong to the past. The formal reply by the editor said that the aim of the report was to "shed light on some dimensions of the above meeting." The same line is taken by ETH. (Dec. 7) "Last weekend a meeting took place between minority organizations from Balkan states which ended up in an attempt at slandering Greece badly."

Again Romania remains the least covered Balkan country. There are very few references to the economic problems of the country ["Thousands of Romanian workers had a rally in the streets of Bucharest yesterday. They ask the government to fulfill its election promises about welfare measures and reforms" (EX. Oct. 15)] and some information about the political situation there ["They ask for the Prime Minister’s replacement or elections in Romania" (EL. Jan. 15)].

After the elections the political situation in Serbia is judged as critical. The second round of the electoral confrontation and the following political deadlock are seen as a failure of the once omnipotent S. Milosevic to control the power games. "It is certain that Milosevic – maybe for the first time – faces problems in controlling the political scene in Yugoslavia. The consequences of this loss of control have become obvious in the last few years" (E.T. Oct. 12).

The alleged involvement of foreign interests in the shaping of the political situation of the country has not gone unnoticed. The support which Milosevic used to get is ascribed to the West, because of the latter’s desire to serve its own interests in the area. "Whatever the final results from yesterday’s confrontation in Serbia are… one thing is for sure. Milosevic’s role of ultimate guardian of the balance has been suspended. This has up to now allowed the USA and NATO to play at low cost their interventionist roles in Yugoslavia" (EX. Oct. 6). "The gradual and painful dissolution of Yugoslavia had only one aim – to crack down on the nationalism of our brothers and fellows, the Serbs. After so many years, now we can clearly see how foreign intervention has acted (and still acts) and where Yugoslavia has been led to. After so many ‘rivers of blood’ they are still not ‘sated.’ After Bosnia, they are setting up other ‘fires in the Balkans’" (A.T. Oct. 11).

The conservative opposition press which is traditionally pro-Serbian deals with the situation in Kosovo from the same perspective, especially after the recent bloody incidents in the area. "The US attitude towards Serbia can only be explained on the basis of the well-known anti-Serbian feelings held in Washington." (E.T. Mar. 4). Of all the monitored newspapers, E.T. has the clearest anti-American and anti-Albanian line. The newspaper sees the creation of a Muslim state in Bosnia as an "unpleasant precedent" attributed to the "shameless interference of the USA" (E.T. Mar. 4). Inevitably, this precedent is seen as an example for the future of Kosovo and maybe even for the situation in Western Thrace.

Apart from the imperialism of the Great Powers, "Albanian separatism" and "Albanian nationalism" are also to blame (E.T. Mar. 4). The general impression is that the Greek press, with the exception of E.T., follows the line of "superficial neutrality." The majority of the newspapers use the word "Albanian-speaking population" rather than merely "Albanians," suggesting that Albanians are not an ethnic, but a linguistic minority in Kosovo. This attitude seems to be related to the well-known "syndromes" of "minority-phobia" in Greece. The indirect message in this case is that Albanians are not entitled to demand rights by putting the sovereign state of Serbia into such trouble.

The recycling of the Serbian arguments regarding "terrorism" by many politicians and journalists is a fact which proves in the best way the prevalence of deep pro-Serbian feelings, despite the recent painful dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation. Greek people in their majority are still unable to see Serbs as the main culprits in the dissolution and the war that preceded it. ETH. (Mar. 7) mentions that there have been many complaints made by furious TV viewers against the projection of a French documentary on the war in ex-Yugoslavia "for presenting the Serbs as exclusively responsible for this war."

Even though both ETH. and N. try to be objective by presenting all aspects of the situation, there are some details which indicate a tilt towards the Serbs. N. (Mar. 6) avoids commenting on the Serbian "cleansing operations" against the Albanians. By saying that the Serbs have attacked "suspicious" places in search of UCK [KLA] "extremists," the paper seems to morally justify these operations. The omission of any comment regarding the need for respect of human rights or any condemnation of police violence against innocent citizens reinforce the impact of this moral justification. ETH. (Mar. 5) indirectly attributes the responsibility for this crisis to the Albanians, as they were the first to attack the Serbs. "The attacks against innocent citizens reasonably provoke the reaction of Belgrade. The latest bloody incidents have created such a heavy atmosphere among Serbs that many of them are trying to send away women and children while the UCK seeks revenge for the Albanians who were killed by Serbian police forces in Drenitsa."

As for K. and V., both of them seem to keep a more balanced attitude. Of course, some "stereotypical traps" – such as the adoption of the terms "Albanian-speaking population" and "extremists" are present from time to time. EL. is the only newspaper which adopts a more open, objective and progressive attitude towards the Kosovo crisis. The newspaper speaks openly about the human rights violations, accuses Milosevic of irreconcilable nationalistic behavior and condemns the official Greek position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is done in an editorial (EL. Mar. 7) which criticizes the prevailing interpretation of "terrorism" against the respect of human rights. "The slight pro-Serbian feelings expressed by the Greeks during the first days of the crisis were intensified after Th. Pangalos’ visit to Belgrade. The omission of the fact that Serbs are also responsible for the situation and the acceptance of Milosevic’s attitude are taken for granted. All this is added to the resurrection of the well-known theory about the undermining views of third parties and the latter’s constant competition for ruling the area. The difference between our views and those of our allies should not be seen only through the prism of our ‘natural’ suspicion and the discovery of ‘Orthodox brothers’ but also in our weakness to protect and promote our interests" (EL. Mar. 9).

The stand which is taken by EL. and of all minor left-wing papers like AVGI (not covered in our monitoring) is the exception to the general rule of "superficial neutrality." Although there has been a clear diversion from the overt pro-Serbian attitude of the Greek press in the past, there are still many elements which prove the attachment of the Greek newspapers to the "stereotypical ghosts" of the other.

The leading image of Turkey is of the "baddie" who threatens her neighbors and makes machinations against the territorial integrity of Greece. The opposition press, which openly declares itself against the Madrid Treaty, as well as against the Greek-Turkish dialogue, is the most fervent promoter of an uncompromising Greek foreign policy based on "national pride." Political opinions of intellectuals and ordinary citizens follow the line taken by the newspapers: "The Prime Minister of the time of the Turkish invasion into Cyprus, Mr. Ecevit, threatens us. Our problem with the Turks is related to the problem of virility. If we show them our masculinity, they will show us their behinds. If we show them our behinds, they will show their masculinity. That was said by Mr. A. Ioannides, jurist and special advisor to El. Venizelos. The Turks know the ‘tsarouhi’ and the ‘fustanella,’ they do not know anything about the pen, the word, the human behavior." [(E.T. Oct. 4) letter from D. Bikos].

On the other side are the pro-government papers which share a more balanced and objective opinion. "It seems that our love for history does not include love for its lessons. The recent reactions by patriots show that after the diplomatic defeat and the unpleasant word ‘Macedonia,’ we went into the second round. This time we are not dealing with the Gypsy-Skopjans, but with the eternal enemy of the race. If the government plans to find a solution to the Greek-Turkish question, which will be supported by the international community and which will do away with the mutual suspicion, I hope it will do it courageously and promptly. Some people have already begun this process with the Afion Karahisar" (EL. Dec. 14).

The picture of the Turks which is shaped, reproduced and strengthened by the Greek media remains extremely negative. "Even though Kemal tried to change them, to Europeanize them, the Turks remain deeply Turkish! Not that as individuals they lack any virtues. However, as an organized state, they are presented as despotic, autocratic, ruthless, arrogant and anti-democratic. Due to their inferiority complex they are suspicious of the outside world, (especially of the Westerners) occasionally servile, but often insolent and demanding. The West and Turkey are two different worlds. The West knows it, but gives priority to its own interests. So the problem is ours and we get recommendations to deal with our neighbor on our own, as if this were possible" (AP. Oct. 7).

The way in which Turkey deals with the question of human rights and the stance which it takes in regard to its minorities are of particular interest to the Greek press. This is done more in order to condemn the undemocratic and so called barbaric nature of the neighboring country and less in defense of human rights principles. The conflicts with Greece, either direct or indirect, strengthen the already negative images. Oftentimes the situation is presented one-sidedly.

The report of the International Helsinki Federation was shown in such a way that the reader gets the impression that it concerns only Turkey and no other country, not even Greece itself. In general, when the question of respect for human rights in Turkey is raised by groups from abroad (NGOs, journalists, politicians), the press reproduces the negative comments about the neighboring country. All this re-enforces the existing stereotypes. "Turkey, a country which has been drinking the blood of other nations and races for 700 years, is among the international outlaws, which should disappear from the global map" [Report by the Forum Study of the UNHCR, George Thomas Courian, (E.T. Nov. 14). "At last the Europeans are beginning to understand that they are dealing with terrorists and the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, J. C. Yonker, who is presiding over the European Council of the 14 said it openly and clearly: ‘The EU cannot accept at its negotiating table a country which tortures its citizens’" (EL. Dec. 3).

The Kurdish question and the abolition of the Islamic party in Turkey are presented in the same light. "We are dealing with a Turkey of 60 million citizens; with a very low income per capita; with an 80% inflation; with corrupt political leadership and, with generals who decide and order everything, because one secret decree of the National Security Council gives the generals the right to crush all the laws and all the international agreements and treaties" (E.T. Dec. 29).

The feeling of Greek cultural superiority in respect to Turkey is frequently used by the Greek press, so as to show the significant differences between East – West, Turkey – Greece. "One of the main reasons for the psychic loss of Ankara is the fact that it is conscious of the Greek superiority. Greece is not only a member of Europe. It is Europe. And without its consent, Ankara will never be able to pass the threshold of Europe" (E.T. Dec. 4).