SEPTEMBER 1998 Monitoring

* Interesting developments in Thrace before the municipal and prefectural elections * Silence on the acquittal of the Macedonian minority party * The Gypsies and the refugees are treated with sympathy * New wave of xenophobia targeting economic immigrants * Albania: the fear of a ‘Greater Albania’ defines the position of the press as regards the political developments in the country * Bulgaria: a negative image * Macedonia: superficial improvement of relations * Romania: no interest on the part of the press * Serbia: contradictory and embarrassed treatment of Kosovo * Turkey: a persistent negative image, timid attempts at understanding.

Internal minorities

Xenophobia and defense of the national homogeneity of Greece at all costs define the stand of the larger part of the press as regards internal minorities. As Turkey is considered the ‘ultimate enemy’, the Turkish minority in Thrace is the usual target of the papers. «The existence of a coherent minority inside Greek territory could be a dangerous point of friction, all the more so when it satisfies all three necessary and sufficient conditions [it resides in the neighborhood of a metropolis, it reproduces quicker than the Greeks, it has a different religion], which, according to all international relations manuals, create an ‘irredentist problem’ [...] The hour will soon come when the cry ‘autonomy’ will be heard both from Xanthi and the Rhodopes. And let’s see how our NATO allies will defend the territorial integrity of the Greek state afterwards...» (G. Harvalias, E.T. 30/9).

The statement of the Turkish minority Consultative Committee, asking the members of the minority to support minority candidates, gave rise to new accusations that Turkey has launched an operation for ‘Turkicization’ of Thrace using the Muslim minority (as the officially recognized name is). The government spokesman, D. Reppas, stated that «there are no candidates who are Turks» and «attributed the effort to ‘present the religious minority as a national Turkish minority’ to circles in Ankara» (EL. 30/9). A relevant article in Eleftheros Typos preceded the above report: «Ankara attempted to dictate a line of behavior to the Muslim voters of Thrace for the coming municipal and prefectural elections, a fact which constituted an unprecedented intervention in the internal affairs of Greece, which is easily explainable when one sees how tolerant the Simitis government is and how apathetic the political parties are. [...]Ankara [...] has practically formed a kind of a shadow government in Western Thrace, dictating not only developments but also election results, which in this case (due to the ‘Kapodistrias’ plan) are expected to be impressively fruitful for Turkish foreign policy» (E.T. 29/9). The article, however, fails to mention the complaints of the minority that the mergers of communities into larger municipalities imposed by the Kapodistrias plan «did not bring out the real picture of the population composition of the Prefecture» (ETh. 11.8). The minority was thus restricted to just three municipalities from the initial seven. Furthermore, the article does not take into account the fact that the developments in Thrace were provoked by the Greek side. The area was visited by leaders of the Greek political parties, by Ministers, by MPs, as well as by Archbishop Christodoulos.

Synaspismos minority MP, Mustafa Mustafa, stated that «there is no essential progress and […] that no member of the minority works in the state apparatus, in the public services, in the services of the Prefecture, in the banks [...]» (EL. 28/9). These claims were confirmed by G. Votsis in Eleftherotypia: «We don’t appoint them to administrative posts, we prevent them from being elected in the local authorities (as SYN MP Mustafa Mustafa has correctly pointed out). Why don’t we want to appoint their teachers so that minority schools in Thrace may function? [...] Won’t all those who insist on this unacceptable discrimination ever come to their senses? Are they so completely blind?» (EL. 30/9). The journalist refers to the letter of protest of the Protest Committee of the non-appointed minority teachers addressed to the Minister of Education -who has visited the area- according to which «the nine-year compulsory education does not apply for minority schools. Minority Gymnasiums and Lyceums in Komotini and Thrace are under-functioning because there are not enough teachers. Yet minority teachers still have problems getting appointed for years». According to Eleftherotypia «the Minister of Education has replied to all the issues raised in a letter of the Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group-Greece» (EL. 30/9). The two organizations thus presented the demands of the minority. However, in his reply the Minister avoided committing himself to anything particular.

The effort to separate the ‘good’ Pomaks and Muslim Gypsies from the Muslims who have Turkish national consciousness is obvious. In a question addressed to Parliament, New Democracy MP Ev. Haitidis speaks of «agents of Ankara who organized [...] a clearly Turkish festival» (E.T. 20/9) in the presence of local and other government officials. At the same time he accuses them of having «tried to cancel the traditional festival of the Pomaks in Alan Tepe». The position of minority members who denounced all those who try to appropriate Alan Tepe and attempt to divide the Muslim minority into Pomaks and agents never saw the light of publicity. The conclusions of the two-day meeting organized in Thermi point to the same direction: «Sharp disapproval [...] of those who are engaged in ‘studies’ of minority phenomena using the language as a criterion, an element which was the basis of German nationalism. Pointing out the ideological contradiction, businessmen undertake the ... democratization of the Balkans [...] Our fellow nationals, Pomaks and Gypsies, face many difficulties in Thrace, when they try to save their language and cultural traditions from the organized efforts towards the linguistic and cultural homogeneity of the Muslims of Thrace (in the direction of their Turkisization..)» (E.T. 20/9).

There are also articles which condemn the discrimination against the minority. The arrest of the minority journalist Dede, accused of attempting to found an illegal radio station -and most of the stations in the area are illegal- was disapproved of in many articles. Stathis wrote in Ta Nea: «When will Greece stop closing its eyes with its own hands to avoid seeing those whom it doesn’t want to embrace? Greek Muslims, Pomaks and Muslims of Turkish origin and national consciousness do live in Greece. The question is: do they have the right to live here with full freedom of mind and consciousness? Are they equal before the law or will their fatherland put them in jail, just as Turkey does on the other side of the border? If my friend and brother Dede feels he is Greek or Turk (or both), our Greece, the Greece of both of us, is not threatened! At long last, the Greece I love, is also loved by Dede (even if the majority doesn’t know it, even if it has forgotten how to be hospitable, how to learn from other cultures)» (N. 9/9).

Contrary to the Turkish minority, the Macedonian minority of Northern Greece seems nonexistent for the Greek press. In the middle of September the trial of the Macedonian minority party Ouranio Toxo took place. The party was accused in 1995 -when the anti-Macedonian hysteria was at its highest- of "provoking mutual discord and disturbing public peace" because it had put outside its offices a board with the name of the party in the Macedonian language. The news about the board was on the agenda of the media for many days. The comments were inflammatory and hostile. However, the nine-hour trial and the decision acquitting Ouranio Toxo was the subject of only four single-column articles. One article was published in Eleftherotypia before the trial, quoting the statement of support to that party issued by Amnesty International, another one was also published in Eleftherotypia and informed on the court decision, and two articles were published in Eleftheros Typos expressing their surprise at the acquittal. «Let’s point out that a Turk supporter of the ‘pro-Skopjans’ made his appearance at the Court [...]Of course, the well known Panayote Dimitras of ‘Helsinki Watch’ was also there. He did not hesitate to characterize the Muslims of Thrace as Turks!» (E.T. 16/9). The second article of Eleftheros Typos refers to a question of New Democracy MP Ev. Haitidis. «The Chair of the Court [...] tolerated the pro-Skopjans who called themselves ‘Macedonians,’ as well as the representatives of foreign ‘humanitarian’ organizations accusing Greece, while she prevented a major witness, the journalist Tel. Kokos -contributor to ‘E.T.’- from testifying» (E.T. 20/9).

The non nationalist views of journalists and non governmental organizations such as the Greek Helsinki Monitor often become the targets of ironic comments. G. Triantis wrote in two of his articles, referring to the supposed anti-Hellenic nationalism of neighboring Macedonia: «Certain self-complacent aggressive progressives, who could be amusing under different conditions, remained speechless in front of the natural, nationalist hysteria of the neighboring country [...] They also said nothing when Dede said openly that George Soros sponsors the organization of Mr. Dimitras. You see, Dede is a ‘material’ for exploitation only when he is persecuted by those who are ‘national-minded.’ Isn’t it so, dear friend Yiannis Tzanetakos? Isn’t it so, friends of the ‘Avgi’ paper?» (EL. 15/9). «In order to ‘hit us,’ the English-Irishman [Patrick Lee Fermor in ‘Ta Nea’] said that the West should be accountable for falsifying history on the ‘Macedonian issue’ [...] the ‘Front of Reason’ will be horrified, my dear Patrick Lee Fermor. Mr. Paraskevopoulos, the progressive from Thessaloniki, will stand up in wrath. Maybe Mr. Dimitras will also attack you, as well as the ‘prominent figure’ who called Kondylis a warmonger» (EL. 8/9).

There were many articles in September referring to the Gypsies of Greece. The Greek Gypsies are presented in the press as a sympathetic, colorful group which, apart from its own problems, faces state indifference. The papers questioned the official police version on the clash between policemen and Gypsies when the former invaded a Gypsy settlement in Zefyri looking for a big quantity of drugs. «The battle [...] between policemen and hashish dealers left three wounded behind, forty five kilos of cannabis and a big question: who attacked first, the policemen or the Gypsies?» (EL. 1/9). «The battle of the day before yesterday, one more battle between Gypsies and policemen, revealed again that some Gypsy settlements are among the largest hashish markets in Attica. From the quantities confiscated and from the arrests made from time to time, the Gypsies seem to be the first in hashish traffic, while the Albanians are the first in its procurement.». The removal of 3,500 Gypsies from a settlement in Evosmos was characterized as "persecution." «The 3,500 tent dwellers are victims of bureaucracy and negligence. These people have been living in the area of Evosmos in Thessaloniki for three decades. Their persecution started three years ago and is still going on. There is no serious ground for hope that they will be re-installed in an organized settlement» (N. 3/9). In an interview to Eleftherotypia the President of Body Shop International, Anita Rodnick, described her impressions from a visit to the Gypsy settlement of Aspropyrgos: «They don’t have any organization and the only thing they need is assistance. The principal questions are how we can offer them solar energy, water, better conditions of life - things that can be achieved in an easy way. What is needed is cooperation between non governmental organizations, on the one hand, and the people and the government, on the other. Talking about anything beyond water supply, education and shelter is rather idealistic’ she told us and seemed to have fully understood the situation» (EL. 11/9).

The press greeted the issuing of a permit for the first exclusively Gypsy market in Thessaloniki. Another event which provoked many positive comments was the offer of Synaspismos’ President Nikos Konstandopoulos to give the excess money from the raise in the monthly pay of his party’s MPs to a Gypsy settlement in Northern Greece. «The initiative of Mr. Konstandopoulos must be followed by others» (G. Kyrtsos E.T. 11/9)

The refugees coming to Greece are usually treated in a very positive way. There are many reports in the press expressing sympathy both at the inhuman conditions of their transport to Greece and at the problems they face during their stay in our country: «With paper boxes in their hands and some bags with clothes, they are gathered outside the Parliament in Panepistimiou Street. Two squads of Special Police Forces surround them. [...] They stage a hunger strike in order to win a plate of food, a bed to sleep on and to take a shower - just ‘simple human rights,’ as they say» (N. 3/9). There are also many articles condemning the expulsions of refugees and their "inhuman and illegal" detention in the cells of the Central Security Offices awaiting the time of their expulsion.

Despite all this, a large part of the Greek society remains xenophobic. The failure of the police to arrest the persecuted criminal Sorin Matei in a bloodless way brought back to the front pages the issue of criminality, which is attributed by the conservatives to the economic immigrants. There were many xenophobic articles, mainly in Eleftheros Typos, directly connecting the increase of criminality to the presence of immigrants from the other Balkan countries. «Running the risk of being characterized... a racist, a chauvinist, a reactionary, etc., I repeat that mass immigration - illegal immigration - has led to record unemployment, criminality and social disintegration. The government and its services sell visas and people. New Democracy is afraid to raise the issue, while the leftist parties are wearing ideological blinders. Who will protect us from political mistakes and omissions?» (E.T. 4/9). «Every day the University campus of Thessaloniki is proven to be an ‘unfenced vineyard’ for criminals of all sorts and ...nationalities! [...]» (E.T. 21/9). «Millions of foreign immigrants are drowning unemployment-ridden Greece. Unemployment will become a real plague if the Simitis government does not stop, in time and with every possible means and without hypocritical talk about ‘social justice’, the mass invasion of immigrants mainly from Albania where the situation is continuously aggravating. [...] If our doors remain open, the invasion will take extreme dimensions and then any corrective move will be impossible... [...] Our own socialists are responsible for this nightmarish Balkan invasion, which threatens to develop into FOREIGN OCCUPATION and very possibly into ARMED OCCUPATION» (H. Passalaris, E.T. 30/9). Eleftherotypia reader I. Vahiolos, who himself has been an immigrant in America wrote in a letter: «Parks we do not dare crossing - occupied by all sorts of ‘drags of society’, by various types of colored people [...] by helpers-watchers, by plunderers, by thieves, by drug dealers and other such ‘specimens.’ We can’t even think of getting a job here, because almost one million ‘gastarbeiters’ have taken all cheap jobs and our children are sinking in unemployment, increasing the ominous death toll from drugs [...]. Did Simitis say [in Kalithea] when he plans to kick this multinational rabble out, all those who eat our bread? All those who rape the Greek family every day»» (EL. 29/9). Another typical example in the same vein is the ‘study’ of a retired wing-commander in Eleftheros Typos (E.T. 24/9) which accuses illegal immigration of being «the permanent wound causing economic hemorrhage, because the amount of money needed [...] to maintain an apparatus able to check the refugees is huge». The increase of ‘slave-trade’ and corruption within the police are also attributed to the immigrants. The same holds true also of the prisoners’ riots, provoked by the lack of adequate space due to the large numbers of imprisoned illegal immigrants!

Finally, it should be mentioned that Eleftheros Typos did not hesitate to accuse the candidate Mayor of Athens M. Damanaki because she included in her list of candidates some representatives of gay organizations and religious minorities.

Still, other papers do not adopt any xenophobic views. «The Prime Minister made an ill-fated ‘observation’ that the drama which unfolded a few days ago in Niovi street revealed how big the problem of criminality is primarily due to the presence of illegal immigrants in our country. [...] Statistics are clear enough that the percent of crimes committed by illegal immigrants is very low» (K. 30/9). «The protagonist of the day, the kidnapper of a policeman, Sorin Matei, was the son of a Greek mother and a Romanian father; he was an original Greek-Romanian and a Greek citizen - yet all responsible police officers and all mass media call him just ‘Romanian.’ The explanation is simple: in our country, if the criminals are not Albanians, they must at least be aliens of other nationality... Unfortunately...» (ETh. 10/9). Karkayiannis pointed out that «The reason for this falsification is simple and obvious: they want to create false impressions and excite our racist instincts against the foreigners who were unfortunate back home, so they came to our country to find a better fate...» (K. 8/9). «Society cannot confirm or reject all the things transmitted to it as the image of ‘the Other.’ People have only one choice: to accept them as reality! [...] Cases of thefts, murders or other criminal offenses transmitted by the TV without any reference to the percentage they represent easily create the impression of a storm moving against the peaceful citizens. When assimilated by people of low educational level [...], the result is translated into wild beatings (maybe fatal) and cold blooded murders [...]» (EL. 4/9).

Albania and the Albanians

Albania was at the center of interest during the month of September, because of the political developments triggered by the assassination of Haidari, close associate of Sali Berisha. The meetings of the Democratic Party and the unrest in Tirana and the surrounding regions gave food to extended reports and analyses on the social and political situation in the neighboring country. The common point of the articles is that Sali Berisha is trying to set up a coup in order to return to power, moved by personal motives of revenge. Fatos Nano is presented on the one hand as a prisoner of his weak character and, on the other, as a prisoner of the economic and political structures of his country.

The political crisis is depicted as if it was inscribed in the very foundations of Albanian society. There is a «chronic contradiction between ‘two Albanias.’ There is a traditional bipolar opposition between the North and the South. This antithesis has a cultural background, but also a racial (Gueguis - Toskis) and a religious dimension (conservative Sunite Muslims in the North - Orthodox Christians and more liberal Bektashi Muslims in the South) [...].Fatos Nano’s job is very difficult, because of the overall corruption and the traditional propensity of the Albanians to function in ‘captaincies’, instead of within the system of the Rule of Law » (K. 20/9). «Post-Cold War Albania indeed functions in a regime of complete anarchy and of chaotic antagonism between the interests of the Mafia, controlling the state and the political system to a great extent; the interests of the ‘government’ and ‘state’ bureaucracy, exploiting and plundering international help; the interests of the foreign powers intervening in order to control or patronize the emerging leading political groups» (EL. 27/9).

Greeks perceive Berisha as the Number One expression of the nationalist movement for ‘Greater Albania’ based in the Northern part of the country and closely connected to the separatist movement of the Kosovo Albanians. «When a year ago Sali Berisha fell in oblivion, pushed by his former Western supporters headed by the Americans, he turned to his ‘ethnic brothers’ in Kosovo and particularly to the armed ‘Kosovo Liberation Army’... [...] The Albanians residing there, are spreading the demand of self-determination, independence and... unification with Mother Albania, thus maintaining the warfare climate and the nationalist hysteria, preparing for the decisive conflict» (ETh. 24/9). Berisha’s past behavior towards the Greek minority of Southern Albania (‘Northern Epirus’ for the Greeks) and the fact that he accused Greece of helping Nano, activating the traditional Albanophobic feelings of the Greek public. Thus the positions of his opponent are adopted. «According to the Defense Minister [of Greece] the nationalist forces, aiming at creating a climate of complete anarchy in the Balkans, are responsible for the chaos in Albania» (EL. 16/9). «The ex-President of the neighboring country, Sali Berisha, is leading an orchestrated campaign to destroy Greek-Albanian relations without having a legitimate reason for doing that» (K. 16/9). «Berisha is throwing oil in the fire» (N. 19/9).

In general lines Fatos Nano enjoys the restrained support of most of the papers, to the extent that he is considered the opponent of Berisha and is able to function as a safety valve against the anti-Hellenism of the nationalist leader of the opposition. The moderate press considers that Greek-Albanian relations have reached a very good point in their development during Nano’s government. They usually refer to the economic and other benefits which Greece enjoys from its penetration into Albania. «Our relations are extremely good and the Nano government seems to be stabilized. Our economic relations are particularly excellent. The role of Archbishop Anastasios is estimated as particularly positive, while the Sali Berisha factor is completely negative.» These conclusions are reached by Ta Nea which published a table on the relations of Greece with the other Balkan countries (N. 12/9). «The real picture along the border is not a picture of illegal transactions of hashish and Kalashnikovs. These things do exist, but the truth is that recently the Greek-Albanian border observes a rich and healthy trade between citizens and businessmen on both sides. The area of Korytsa alone has 80 active Greek enterprises. This trade is beneficial to the economy of Western Macedonia and Epirus, increasing their income by several millions» (K. 2/9). This is the picture drawn by Kathimerini on the occasion of the opening of the Greek Consulate in Korytsa last month, i.e. before the crisis in Albania reached important dimensions and thus changed this viewpoint to a great extent. The effort to keep tension in Greek-Albanian relations at its lowest point was also reflected in the support given by the moderate press to the Albanian Archbishop Anastasios, when the latter was accused by the Metropolitan Bishop of Konitsa Andreas of trying to Albanize the Greek minority. «What is important in this case is not the improper attack of the Metropolitan Bishop of Konitsa itself, but the fact that some circles of the Church insist to assume themselves the role of contractors in the Northern-Epirotan issue. [...] From the security and comfort of the Metropolis of Konitsa it is very easy to hurl nationalist cries striking all those who fight daily and successfully inside the Albanian minefield» (K. 16/9).

Together with the picture of good Greek-Albanian relations, the feeling of Albanophobia, which culminated in the past years with the mass entrance of Albanian economic immigrants, is still grounded in public opinion. The most xenophobic voices consider that Albania as a whole is a hostile country: «And don’t let yourself forget that Albanians always regard Greece and the Greeks with hostility (maybe because of our entirely justified claims over Northern Epirus) [References to the hatred of Albanians against Greeks in the Albanian war of 1940-1941]. Apart from that, I imagine you also know what the behavior of the Chams of Thesprotia was against the local Greeks during the German occupation» (reader’s letter, N. 10/9). Pangalos’ statement that the Kosovo Liberation Army is aspiring to a Greater Albania fueled the Albanophobia of the Greeks. «The insolent representatives of the KLA who raised the issue did not specify in whose favor they are planning to ‘clear things up’ in Greece. Did they refer to the case of the Chams who claim the return of territories and the international recognition of their entity, or to the Albanians who have already been installed in Greece under the complacent and indifferent gaze of the state and who may have an appetite for transforming themselves into an ‘Albanian minority’ in Greece with whatever this may entail. [...]» (EL. 12/9). Eleftheros Typos, a paper with extreme xenophobic positions, supported the Metropolitan of Konitsa in his conflict with the Archbishop of Albania and sounded the alarm on the issue of the de-Hellenization of the Greek minority. «The issues faced by Albania are serious and difficult to resolve. Unfortunately, they affect the Orthodox Church, whose followers -Greeks and Albanians- are approximately 20% of the overall population. Under the pressure of Berisha’s nationalists, the present government has imposed as Metropolitan Bishop of Korytsa the Albanian Archbishop Ioannis Pelousi, who [...] has enforced the Albanian language for the worship and pastoral ceremonies of his Metropolis. [...] The Greeks of Albania are afraid that if an Albanian Metropolitan is elected, this will be the first such election in Northern Epirus where Greeks make up the majority of the population. Such a development will constitute one step forward in the efforts of the Albanian government to Albanize the Orthodox Church [...]» (E.T. 3/9). The paper goes even further and openly condemns Fatos Nano for his inability to become the opposite pole to Berisha’s anti-Hellenism. «The Albanians, both outside and inside the country, enjoy an unprecedented immunity which raises reasonable doubts [...] For the government of Mr. Simitis and for the diplomacy of Mr. Pangalos, the neighboring country has the right to remain... a kingdom of vandalism, even if this endangers Greek lives inside and outside the Albanian borders. [...] The Simitis-Pangalos duo has invested everything in this ambiguous and politically weak personality [Nano]. [...] Indeed what did Greece get in exchange by the moderate Mr. Nano? What has changed in Northern Epirus? Simply, instead of Berisha’s policemen beating the Greeks, all sorts of gangsters ravaging the area are plundering them, enforcing their own regime of terror, with the Greek diplomatic authorities in the role of an indifferent audience. At the same time, believe it or not, the Albanian Embassy in Athens, has reached the point of issuing an official statement accusing the Greek mass media ... of racism and denouncing the maltreatment of all the people who ...if they hadn’t come to Greece, their families wouldn’t have had a piece of bread to eat» (E.T. 20/9).

Bulgaria and the Bulgarians

There are few articles referring to Bulgaria this month and they mainly move around three issues: the Greek-Bulgarian relations, the nuclear power station in Kozlodui and the economic situation of the country. The picture drawn is characterized by restrained, yet obvious, negative connotations. «There were many problems with the Socialist ex-Prime Minister Videndov. Mr. Pangalos has said that he was sailing around on the yachts of Greek businessmen. Now the relations with the current Prime Minister, Mr. Kostov, are improving, although he is supported by the Turkish party. However, Bulgaria’s government goes through a difficult phase» (N. 12/9). This is a quote on Greek-Bulgarian relations from a table of Ta Nea which refers to the relations of Greece with the other Balkan countries.

Kozlodui has become a permanent friction point with Bulgaria, as the nuclear power station is considered to be a threat to Northern Greece. «The European Union recognizes the problem, but has the tendency to face it from the standpoint of its relations with Bulgaria. Greece does not have this luxury, because geographic vicinity makes Kozlodui not only a nuclear axe over the head of the Greek people, but also a factor of permanent pollution in Thrace» (K. 5/9). «Bulgaria, according to all indications, will neither retreat at the pressure, nor respect the agreements to suspend the operation of Kozlodui’s dangerous units [...] On the contrary, it will carry on, as it does today, politically exploiting the international interest raised by the issue, in order to satisfy other aspirations [...] (K. 13/9). The bad economic situation of the country and its social implications is the subject of an article of Eleftherotypia. «Seminars for the prevention of suicides will be organized in Bulgaria, the country with the highest percentage of suicides of adolescents in the whole world [...]. Psychiatrists have sounded the alarm, emphasizing the great increase of depression symptoms in recent years, due to the deterioration of the economic situation and to unemployment» (EL. 11/9). Finally, the entire press is taken by surprise at Bulgaria’s request to become the seat of the multinational Balkan military force. The article of Vima is indicative of this attitude. «If somebody visits Sofia today, maybe the first thing which will impress them will be the absence of soldiers in its paved streets. [...] The Bulgarian army today [...] is not in a state of disintegration. However, the government does not have the money to sustain it [...] Despite poverty (with 10 dollars one can enjoy the best meal in the most expensive restaurant of the city), the increase of prostitution and the escalation of the activity of the Bulgarian Mafia, one meets very few beggars in the streets. These are mainly Muslim Gypsies [...] who sell paper tissues or clean the windows of the cars. [...] The people of this country, neo-antimilitarist on first sight, have made it an immediate priority of their foreign and defense policy to have the headquarters of the multinational Balkan force in Bulgaria [...]» (V. 13/9).

Macedonia and the Macedonians

The articles on Macedonia were very limited this month, as apparently, slowly but steadily, the relations between the two countries are being restored. «Relations are very, very good. However, we lost a project undertaken by the Chinese, most probably because of the reservations caused by the activities of the nationalist lobby in Northern Greece. It would be wise to change the sign posts, as it is at least insulting on our part to have posts with the inscription ‘To Yugoslavia’ when people are heading to another country» (the table on the relations between Greece and the other Balkan countries, N. 12/9) Other articles refer to the nationalist movement of Albanians in Macedonia, as well as to the upcoming October elections. Opinion polls which show an increase of the influence of the nationalist parties are presented. However, one should not conclude that the anti-Macedonian campaign of the recent past does not reverberate anymore. This could lead to tensions should the opportunity appear again. The Macedonian issue is still repeatedly mentioned as one of the problems faced by Greece because of the anti-Hellenism of the neighboring countries, while the name Macedonia is still a taboo in the entire press.

Romania and the Romanians

As usual, the articles on Romania are very few. The only reference, apart from news appearing in the economy pages and the police reports, is in the table of Ta Nea on the relations of Greece with the other Balkan countries. This reference is formulated in general terms and is much shorter than the references to the rest of the countries: «Bucharest is possessed by lack of realism, considering that it has already become part of Europe. However, relations slowly become stronger» (N. 12/9). The name "Romanian" came to the center of press reports on the persecution of Sorin Matei, a criminal of Romanian origin (on the side of his father) who led the Greek police to one of its greatest failures. It is worth noting that even though Matei grew up in Greece and was of Greek origin from the side of his mother, he was exclusively referred to as the "Romanian."

Serbia and the Serbs

Extensive reports on Serbia continued this month because of the Kosovo crisis. The press vacillates between the two sides of the conflict, while trying to maintain a neutral position at the same time. Last month’s statements of Defense Minister Akis Tsohatzopoulos adopted the position of the West - support of the moderate Rugova, limited autonomy for the Kosovo Albanians, pressure on Milosevic. In September Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos made diametrically opposite statement in which he expressed his solidarity with many points of Milosevic’s policy. «It is a good thing to have functioning institutions, yet they must function on an equal basis for everyone. Because, in the way they function today, crimes of war and violations of human rights become instruments of political dominance, influence and favor.»

The Foreign Minister made this statement on the occasion of his meeting with representatives of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who presented themselves as advocates of the idea of Greater Albania and warned that after Kosovo, they will demand the rights of the Albanians who live in Macedonia and in Greece. Most of the press adopted this pro-Serbian approach of the Minister: «The representatives of the self-named ‘Kosovo Liberation Army’ appeared intransigent and raising claims on Skopje and Greece» (EL. 8/9). «[The Albanians] are spreading the demand of self-determination, independence and .... unity with Mother Albania, thus maintaining the climate of warfare and nationalist hysteria, preparing for the decisive conflict» (ETh. 24/9). «It seems that the coldness between Athens and Belgrade is something of the past. It was caused by the statements of Akis Tsohatzopoulos when he blamed the policy of Slobodan Milosevic in Kosovo» (N. 8/9).

The Foreign Minister of Serbia pointed out in an interview for the Greek press that «Greece as a state, Greece as a people, is not prejudiced and has no greedy interests in the area. That’s why the Greek mass media were objective in the way they covered the issue of Kosovo and of the whole area as well» (N. 8/9). Needless to say that the views of the Kosovo Albanians never appeared in public. There was a single report last month in which they complained that Greek media adopt the Serbian position (EL. 16/8). Although in general lines the statements of both sides are reported as regards the situation in the frontline of the conflict, oftentimes the headlines and the way events are presented are characterized by a slightly pro-Serbian tone. Earlier this month, the discovery of a mass grave of Serbians, announced by the Serbian and denied by the Albanian side, was presented in a typical way. «Execution of Serbs: 100 people were slaughtered by the Albanophones in the town of Kletska» (ETh. 1/9). «Wrath of Serbian women against this brutality» (N. 1/9). «Outcry over the burnt corpses» (E.T. 1/9).

The opposite view is present in the press too. The journalists who support it hold Serbia responsible for the Kosovo crisis and blame the policy of Slobodan Milosevic as authoritarian and criminal. With Kosovo at the center, Ta Nea’s table on the relations between Greece and the other Balkan countries refers to the situation in Serbia in general. «Slobodan Milosevic follows a Stalinist approach to the Kosovo issue. His authoritarianism has deprived him of efficient leading politicians. Both sides are to blame for the situation in Kosovo. Most probably the latter will reach its autonomy, but this will happen very slowly, because of Belgrade’s position. Belgrade maltreats Montenegro as well» (N. 12/9). The suspension of the publication of the Nasa Borba newspaper provoked the following comments by Eleftherotypia: «The Serbian opposition and all those who fight for democratization did not succeed in rallying around the defense of values in the field of information as well. Thus, one paper is closed down after the other, making room for the mass media controlled by the regime» (EL. 4/9).

Finally, M. Moronis, speaks on behalf of one part of the Greek public, which, disappointed by Milosevic’s behavior in a series of issues (including the recognition of Macedonia with its constitutional name), has revised its pro-Serbian position. «We attributed the break-up of Yugoslavia to the quarrels of Westerners, fighting for a zone of influence in the Balkans, although their intervention took place months after the Serbs had slaughtered and raised to the ground whole villages and towns. And our complete loss of contact with reality is shown by the fact that we thought that the Serbs were the victims, while they were victorious in the battlefields and were creating in practice their Greater Serbia. This is why, instead of being relieved when the international community did not accept accomplished facts resulting from violence and slaughter -a principle serving our interests- we were applauding the ‘victims,’ the Serbs. And instead of seeing that Milosevic was opposing our interests on the issue of Skopje as well [...] we were making him a hero» (EL. 21/9).

Turkey and the Turks

Turkey continuous to be persistently present in the articles related to international relations. The standpoint of the articles does not vary either. The most xenophobic views, expressed mainly by Eleftheros Typos, see Turkey as a constant threat against Greece and has the features of the ‘ultimate enemy.’ The more tolerant part of the Greek public, expressed mainly by Eleftherotypia, sees possibilities for cooperation between the two people and for understanding between the two countries. However, both views, maybe with a difference in the emphasis, converge in drawing a picture of Turkey which is far remote from the European ideal - antidemocratic and divided between the militarist Kemalist state and the Islamic influences.

Democratic deficit and human rights violations are the permanent complements of this picture of Turkey. «A country in which trade unions are made illegal, the Left is outlawed, and human and political rights are trampled upon… Is it possible for European countries to seriously think that there is a perspective for the Turkish situation to improve at all, or for the country to be Europeanized?» (K. 18/9).

The Greek press makes abundant use of the cases which prove the above statement right: the Kurdish issue, the cancellation of the World Press Congress which was to take place in Turkey, the attacks against the Islamists and the human rights organizations, as well as the revelations of Tsakitzi, who was arrested in France, about the connections of the para-state with the state apparatus. Thus, the overall picture is of a state «imbued to the bones by the triptych ‘fascism-authoritarianism-racism’ and the lack of confidence towards its citizens. A state which is fully identified with corruption, which is self-preserved by special and unlimited funds coming from activities in the area of economic crime. An unscrupulous state apparatus commands the assassination of its opponents - Kurdish journalists, Leftists, intellectuals. And last, but not least, comes the army which, apart from controlling all the activities of society - political, cultural, economic, educational, even sports - has the means to kidnap, interrogate, torture and execute as it pleases, without giving account to anybody» (presentation of Selahatin Tselik’s book The Gang State,V. 20/9)

The aggressiveness of Turkey against Greece is taken for granted by the press, and is attributed to the internal problems and the strong presence of the Islamic element in the neighboring country. Parallel to that, this aggressiveness is encouraged by the submissiveness and the conciliatory moods of peaceful Greece towards Turkey «The Turks do not use the Greek retreats in order to look for some kind of conciliation but in order to further promote their positions to our detriment [...] With Turkey having entered a prolonged pre-election policy and with the Balkans destabilized, the militarists of Ankara will attempt to export their internal crisis seeking diplomatic and other kinds of benefits at our expense» (E.T. 17/9). «The Turkish political scene does not leave much room for the Greek-Turkish relations to come out of the swamp where they are bogged since last year. As long as the Edzevit logic is prevailing, I don’t think that we may expect anything» (K. 23/9). «Everyone knows that Greece does not follow an aggressive policy. On the contrary, it is continuously defending and excusing itself» (ETh. 3/9).

The opposite view which says that the nationalistic rhetoric on the part of Greece is harmful and undermines the country’s position in the international community is also present. «The neighbor commands the valuable diplomatic heritage of the Ottoman Empire, a really unwavering line in its foreign policy and an admirable flexibility in its corrective moves, and is therefore able to anticipate international developments instead of running after them breathless» (E.T. 10/9).

The press as a whole rejects Denktash’s proposal for a Confederation in Cyprus as hypocritical and directed against the Cypriote interests: «Yesterday Ankara and Denktash threw their masks off [...] Essentially, they took one more step, by testing the limits of tolerance of Athens and Nicosia which, as they know, are rather resilient» (E.T. 1/9). The approach between Turkey and Israel is considered as a priori directed against Greece, despite the fact that both parties involved denied this interpretation. «The creation of an informal axis with Turkey functions as a factor of destabilization. It increases in particular the mistrust of all neighbors which draw conclusions on the basis of actions and not on appeasing statements» (K. 8/9). Still, in Greece itself, the view in favor of the creation of a Greek-Orthodox bow in the Balkans which will counteract the Muslim element is not entirely abandoned, especially in the conservative circles. Finally, Turkey’s intention to build a nuclear power station in Akuyu is covered by the press both because of its environmental implications and because of the secret intention of Turkey to produce nuclear arms. The view expressed is that in case Turkey proceeds to such a production, Greece should follow suit.

In this framework, the future meeting between Prime Ministers Simitis and Yilmaz in Attalia is not expected to be fruitful and Turkey is held responsible for that. «Greek-Turkish relations are entering a new period of mobility, without however any spectacular developments being foreseen because of continued Turkish intransigence [...] It is more a move on the part of the Turkish Prime Minister to create impressions than a sincere effort to overcome the impasse in Greek-Turkish relations» (ETh. 22/9). «The elements forming the framework of the meeting between the two Prime Ministers are far from encouraging: the fluid political situation, the suffocating control of the Turkish political leadership by the military, the political Dark Ages into which Turkey is literally sinking and, at the same time, the increase of Ankara’s intransigence, especially in the Cypriote issue, and in Greek-Turkish relations as well. All these show clearly that there is no reliable political interlocutor, for the waging of a productive Greek-Turkish dialogue» (K. 27/9). However, there are other views holding both parties responsible for the non-existence of a substantial political dialogue and presenting Greece as prisoner of its internal situation: «The government of K. Simitis has created the impression that it avoids dialogue with Turkey, mainly because of its fear of inner party opposition, as if it has run out of arguments and as if dialogue with Ankara necessarily meant the yielding of sovereign rights. But the dialogue with Ankara on all the items of the agenda and not only on the ‘existing issue of the shelf,’ as the Greek government insists [was waged by all three previous Prime Ministers (Karamanlis, Papandreou, Mitsotakis)] and did not lead to the yielding of sovereign rights. Of course, it did not resolve the problems between the two countries either, but it always resulted in a decrease of tension as long as it lasted» (K. 20/9).

Outside the area of politics, it is easier for views in favor of Greek-Turkish rapprochement to find fertile ground, despite the prevailing negative image of Turkey. «It seems that in literary issues the two peoples have nothing to separate them» (EL. 2/9), Eleftherotypia comments on the occasion of the warm welcome by Turkey of the translation of a Greek book in Turkish. «The ups and downs of the moving circle... succeeded in proving, no matter how surprising this sounds, that somewhere, somehow we are allying ourselves with Turkey and, even more important, we are allying ourselves against the Western powers: in claiming back our antiquities plundered by the Europeans» (N. 22/9). Still, many articles make it a point that the antiquities claimed by Turkey are of Greek origin. Moreover, they speak of «lack of respect on the part of Turkey for the Greek civilization» on the occasion of the neglect shown in regard to the findings discovered during the construction of the Instanbul Metro (similar incidents were happening repeatedly during the construction of the Athens Metro). Last month’s report of Eleftherotypia (EL. 28/9) replies to these accusations in its story about the area of Holy Mary Soumela as an area protected by the Turkish state.

Visits of Turkish students of Greek studies to Greek universities are enthusiastically welcomed by the press and give voice to views in favor of friendship between the two people. «Greeks and Turks are condemned to celebrate their freedom, remembering the persecutions by each other» (EL. 1/9). The last quote is from a report from the celebration in Izmir of "Turkey’s liberation from the Greeks." The Turkish Foreign Ministry was reported to have condemned Greece for its "expansionist mentality" on the occasion of the proclamation of September 14 as "the anniversary of the genocide of the Greeks of Asia Minor by the Turkish state." (EL. 30/9). As Liakos remarked, «Often, [...] when speaking of our own lost fatherlands, we forget the lost fatherlands of the others. In Turkey, hundreds of thousands of refugees arrived not only from Greece [but from all Balkan countries]. If Venizelos was fortunate enough to see his fatherland, Crete, included in the Greek sovereignty, for Kemal, Thessaloniki was a lost fatherland. The biggest part of the Turkish leadership originated from some other Balkan country [...] And arguments referring to who resided first in a place and who came second, or who has the right to claim his fatherland and who doesn’t are of no importance. People who for 12 generations resided in a place have the right to consider this place their fatherland, don’t they? [...] If we demand from our opponents to be open to us we must show reciprocity. If we want Holy Mary of Soumela in Pontos to be opened as a place of worship again, shouldn’t we offer to restore one of the mosques of Thessaloniki as places of their traditional worship? [...] Why shouldn’t towns and villages which mutually received refugees become sisters? Why shouldn’t joint meetings be organized on both sides, so that we get to know each other, meetings where historians and social scientists could discuss experiences of cooperation and coexistence [...]?» (V. 13/9).