MARCH 1997 Monitoring

by Christina Rougheri, Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group - Gr.

Internal Minorities

The usual characterization, commonly acknowledged, for all those who refer to the existence of ethnic minorities in Greece is that of an “agent-weakling” (Ad.T. 17/3). At the same time the whole question is dealt with suspicion, often being correlated with matters of foreign policy, especially “with Ankara’s movements to neutralize Greece’s strategic importance, using as an instigator the minorities of Thrace and aiming at the partition of Northern Greece” (Eth. 2/3). With similar suspicion, an article of Ad.T (2/3) comments on the question of modifying or even repealing the “notorious article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code”, explaining that “...with this article Greek citizenship was taken away from hirelings of Skopje and Ankara who left Greece with no intention of returning”. From another point of view, a journalist from El (12/3) referring to the problem of political refugees from the Civil War in Greece, asks: “why we perpetuate the refugee state for someone who was born a Greek citizen and whom our Civil War turned into a refugee...”

As regards the minority in Thrace we have two accounts. The first one is related to the publication of an opinion poll (El. 12/3), according to which 37,2% of the Greeks disagree with the protection of the minority’s rights. The second one (El. 4/3) refers to a study made by secondary school professors about minority groups of the county of Rodopi, according to which “Pomak children are forced by their Muslim teachers of Turkish origin not to speak the Pomak language”; they argue that “the minority school for Pomaks functions as an institution for child amassing since it plunders their consciousness”. The account reproduces the study’s completely negative image of the Turkish minority, passing over in silence the errors of the Greek government’s educational policy for minorities; and, yet, the study uses as its main source of information Muslim teachers “approved” by the Greek state.

We have an article which refers to a question addressed by some deputies which dealt with the rumors that the British consulate in Salonika provides “the Skopjenophile organization” (Rainbow) with machines and computers (Ap. 14/3).

Concerning the Roma (Gypsies) and in light of the statements made by the Greek Minister of Public Order, who qualified the Gypsy camp of Ano Liosia “inaccessible” to Greek police, there was an increase in the number of articles which presented the camp as a “camping [haven] for drugs”; something for which are responsible “the Albanians and the Romanians who have transformed the camp into a place of crime and a market for drugs” (Ap. 30/3). Besides the policemen, the mayor of the area, who in fact has been criticized several times for his conduct, was reported as another source information (El. 29/3). The statements of the inhabitants of the area that they are afraid to circulate in the are, as well as reporters’ testimonies that the Gypsies impeded their access to the camp and that the latter met them with guns and tried to sell them drugs, dominate. This produces an extremely negative image of the Roma, preparing the readers for an “indispensable” intervention by the special police force (MAT). The article of El. (29/3) refers also to the difficulties that confront the Gypsies who are living “in shanties beside tons of garbage”, recognizing indirectly poverty as an extenuation for the situation in the area. Lastly, there is a follow up of the problems which face Gypsies at Evosmos (Ad.T) 15/3 and 17/3), at Chios (El. 3/3), but also at Larissa (E.T. and El. 19/3), with accounts of the inhabitants’ reactions, who request the removal of the Gypsies from their area.

We have several articles about migrants in Greece. First, the one which refers “to dozens of Kurds” who have become the fear and the dread of the inhabitants of Patra” (Ap. 19/3). In the same tone is the letter by Pavlopoulos (N. 15/3), who argues “that the integrity of Greece is in great danger” (AdT. 7/3).

The racist and xenophobic dispositions of Greeks are indicated in two articles. At an international conference in Salonica it was reported that Greece is “the most disconcerted state in the face of illegal immigration, with the rate of xenophobia reaching 34%” (Ap. 17/3). Similar is the percentage given by the Eurobarometer (E.T. 21/3), presenting “the highest percentage in the EU with four out of 10 Greeks being racists”.

In light of the International Day against Racism and a related report by the Greek Helsinki Monitor, El. (21/3) writes: “Four Albanians are worth as much as a wallet”, referring to the lack of correspondence between crimes and penalties concerning Greek citizens and those concerning Albanian immigrants. A report by Ad.T. (20/3) objects to the prosecution of a policeman who killed a young Albanian illegal immigrant at the borders, while almost all newspapers write about the trial against policemen for illicit violence and detention, theft, acceptance of bribes and torture against immigrants. (N. 20/3 and El. 20/3)

Concerning the conscientious objectors, we have an article which refers to the request of “the Citizens’ Movement against the Alternative Service to withdraw the related draft of law”, arguing that “when Turkish violations and claims on Western Thrace continue, moves which justify the conscientious objectors are morally inadmissible”. (N. 1/3)

Finally, contrary to the familiar position held by the press about the lack of a mosque in Athens for Muslims living in the capital, the article by I.Konidaris (V. 2/3) defends unconditionally “the right to religious difference”, indicating that “these people don’t have the possibility or the place to worship their God”.

Albania and Albanians

The reactions of the Albanian people, a consequence of the collapse of the pyramidal banking institutions, at first, were presented by the Greek press as isolated and personal cases of protest. The reports on individuals who set themselves on fire or who committed suicide prevailed in most newspapers during the first days of March. “Despair led yesterday a 52-year-old woman to suicide. She had lost all her savings because of the bankruptcy of the pyramidal banking institutions in Albania. At least four people have committed suicide because they went bankrupt...” (E.T. 1/3)

As reactions continue to culminate, the crisis in Albania becomes a first page subject and is presented now as a mass, yet, an unorganized rebellion, while very often, there is talk of armed gangs, which contribute to the chaos and anarchy. “Rage became a revolution in Albania and the situation is no longer under control. The enraged people in despair took arms in order to take revenge for the lost dreams of half a century, now that the collapse of the pyramidal banking institutions has shattered the last hope for a better life.” (Ad.T. 3/3) "Avlona presented an image of a town in a state of anarchy, delivered at the mercy of its furious inhabitants (...) enraged protesters turn around on the main roads shouting and firing in the air...” (V. 2/3)

Three are the main points which are mostly emphasized in press reports:

1. The prospective danger threatening the Greek minority and fears “about a provocation against the Greek element in Northern Epirus” (AdT 3/3); often the journalists go as far as to suggest that the minority is greatly endangered. “Special concern provokes information that Turkish gangs from Bosnia create a chaotic situation, liberating convicts and plundering army warehouses. Fears are expressed about an organized ‘pogrom’ against Greeks, with the accusation that Athens supported Berisha’s regime.” (Ad.T. 3/3)

2. Fear about a massive flow of immigrants from Albania, reaching to the extent of creating a climate of Albanophobia. “...10,000 or even more illegal immigrants are expected to be ‘exported’, among them convicts and criminals, something that will have obvious consequences on the Greek citizens.” (Ap. 4/3); “...our borders are threatened by the flow of thousands of desperate crowds, among them also condemned persons who want to transport their action to our country...” (Ap. 4/3)

3. Fears about “an extended destabilization of the Balkans” (Ad.T. 3/3).

In correspondence to the above, some journalists and politicians express opinions and positions which indirectly support the idea of an intervention in Northern Epirus, in order to save the Greek minority, while others, more directly, argue that it is a unique opportunity for Greece to take over Northern Epirus. “Ten hours suffice today in order to solve a problem lasting half a century. (...) Northern Epirus (or Southern Albania as those who capitulated in PASOK have been convinced to refer to it) would become Greek again. And our 300,000 brothers would breathe freely.” (E.T. 5/3), “I think that we should lead ourselves towards some kind of autonomy” (F.Asimakis Ad.T. 14/3). There is a milder and more democratic suggestion “to give the people of Albania the possibility to decide, by means of plebiscite, whether it wants its fatherland to be united with Greece in the form of a federation...” (E.T. 5/3)

In light of the crisis in the neighboring country certain anti-Albanian remarks have been expressed. “This is not a state but a nearby curse of the Farao. A vegetable garden, which we have allowed to grow for over half a century, and which is hence creating for us inadmissible problems. They have devastated us, offended us, cheated on us...” (Ad.T. 12/3). Albania is presented like “a nest of swindlers and smugglers” (E.T. 5/3), while a report in Eth. (6/3), with references to the country’s history, speaks of “a fabricated state”.

Nevertheless, statements made by the Minister of the Interior and Public Administration, A.Papadopoulos (N. 31/3), are in exactly the opposite line to the above mentioned negative comments on Albania’s image. He explains “that our country and the European countries ought to help in the reconstruction of the Albanian nation and state”, arguing that, “...Albania and Greece are condemned to live together ... and that one day it will become apprehended that these two countries have no other cause but that of co-existence...”

The image of the poor and wretched country dominates in most press reports. “Misery, poverty inside a police state, in which secret agents spy on the people’s lives, the Mafia controls everything and nothing can be accomplished without a reward. The poorest country in Europe, where life often reminds you of ‘The Miserables’ in a contemporary version” (Eth. 9/3).

So long as the crisis culminates with no visible signs of de-escalation, the press goes into more complex analyses, writing not only about the economic but also about the political claims of the insurgents. Many reports speak of “a civil war in Southern Albania...” (E.T. 4/3). “The country has been split in two and hatred has overcome its people. This is the image of Albania today, this country where the rebellion extends daily to every corner of the South...” E.T. 7/3). However, the talk about crowds and gangs hasn’t ceased. On the contrary, it is related to the problems and perils that threaten the Greek minority, [“Greeks of Northern Epirus have gone through critical days because of the chaos that was brought about (...) there have been fears that the Greek community of Albania could become a victim of a provocation...” (Ap. 9/3), as well as the possible effects it may have on Greece. “Guns have also reached Athens. A Kalashnikoff is sold for 10,000 drachmas and a grenade for 5,000 drachmas, while, at the same time, the price of bread in Albania has reached 1,000 drachmas per kg.” (Ad.T. 11/3);; “How many guns will find their way into Greece is not to be speculated on. Full containers!” (Ad.T. 16/3), “Illegal immigrants bring guns from Albania” (Ap. 12/3).

Many times the rebellion in Albania is explained as a consequence of the Albanian people’s barbarism and lack of culture, which led them to corresponding forms of action. “Albanians living in the cities are more dangerous when discussing. In these regions they shoot more easily than they discuss. An Albanian prefers to shoot before stating his opinion” (from Frankfurter Tseitung 1930/ K. 8/3). “A disorganized society without any rules, a people lacking intellect, without ideals, food and money, that is seeking revenge for the years which have been stolen from it by ‘the tyrants of Tirana’. But reality is one: that an uncultivated people is armed, that it collects its indispensable and descends for the promised land, the Cannan of the Balkans, Greece...” (Ad.T. 16/3). The Albanians are presented as “a people who doesn’t have a sense of collective life and doesn’t conform easily with the rules of a community” (E.T. 15/3); it is seen as lacking any “political education and culture to be able to stand upon its own feet and attempt a leap; to organize itself and transform the chaos it has produced into a new valuable state of things ...and a people that, in fact, has reached ‘the limits of barbarism’, and the only thing it has always known how to do is plundering...” (Eth. 14/3) “This civil war is the continuation of a harsh tradition that represents the region and its people ... It is a race which expresses itself in an irascible way.” (Ap. 12/3)

Nevertheless, there are also exceptions to the above paradigms, and one can find certain journalists who express an entirely opposite opinion: “If one looks at the chronicle of this rebellion, one cannot but rest astonished by this unique phenomenon of an authentic popular revolution, which begun with the loss of money and savings at the pyramids; the first ‘claim’ of the protesters, who were still unarmed wasn’t but the restitution of their money. And, in less than a month, this ‘indignation’ was transformed into a rebellion and from there into an armed revolution which, and that’s what’s remarkable, came to ‘circulate’ in the streets, looking for a political expression that no party dared provide...” (K. 14/3). There is talk about the “most authentic popular anger of our times” (K. 14/3), although “no one ever considered Albanians worthy of an authentic revolution, capable of transforming radically the political arena...” (K. 16/3)/ “The ascertainment of the significance that carried collapse of the pyramidal banking institutions on the explosion of the Albanian people’s anger is followed by an equally ‘obvious conviction’: that the famous pyramids constitute a domestic product of an underdeveloped society. Their propagation, therefore, must be attributed to the credulity of this particular people, and their blossoming - to the corruption of the country’s politicians...It has to do with a ‘racial approach’ which is related to the notion ‘about naive Albanians’“ (El. 15/3) “We decided that the only title we ought to attribute to the insurgents, if it won’t be that of ‘thieves’ and ‘Mafiosi’, it should be that of ‘rebels’, and certainly not that of ‘revolutionaries’“ (K. 16/3). “...Racial insinuations or unequivocally racist ‘analyses’ by the international community don’t provide it with the possibility to cry out maliciously ‘we had correctly warned you that they’re beasts, they dream only of destruction’“ (K. 18/3)

Lastly, in light of the general crisis in the Balkans and “the glass that is filled to the brim because of Albania”, we read the following anti-Balkan comment: “Greece has collected excrements like a bitch that moves her tail! Yugoslavia disintegrates, Greece pays the price, Bulgaria goes bankrupt, again Greece groans, Romania gets impoverished, thieves multiply in Greece, Albania burns, Greece is the first victim of the fumes.” (Ad.T. 16/3)

Bulgaria and Bulgarians

The majority of the reports concerning Bulgaria concentrate exclusively on the economic crisis which ravages the country. “The conditions of life of the Bulgarian people are, as it is known, miserable, with poverty ravaging the greatest part of the population, especially in the large urban centers. There are queues even for some of the essential goods of immediate need. Bulgaria is characterized today as the poorest country of Europe.” (E.T. 16/3) The frail categories of the people have not just reached the limits of extreme destitution, but they have overpassed it. The sight of people searching with anxiety into the garbage isn’t rare any more. (...) You must have read that a week ago a list was imposed on the sale of bread! In a European country! Unprecedented and unheard of!” (El. 22/3). “Since the end of January seven pensioners of an establishment at Izurkovo have died of malnutrition and hypothermia; apart from them there was a 17-year-old girl who weighted only 11 kgs. at the time of her death” (El. 22/3). The situation is compared to “the great famine of the WWII occupation or to the first years of post revolutionary Russia and its exclusion by the West” (El. 16/3). All press reports regard the tragedy of the Bulgarian people with compassion and sympathy and take a positive stand towards initiatives for the sending of aid to the neighboring country. “We ought to help Bulgaria now. (...) Greece in this hour has an obligation and an interest to help Bulgaria with all her forces, in every way and from all sides. (E.T. 1/3) This disposition is explained to a large degree by the fact that “we have forgotten our animosities long ago...The relations of the two countries, as they were designated by Karamanlis and Zivkof, are hence relations of friendship and cooperation. And there was a moment when a discreet support from Sofia on the borders of Thrace was substantial...” (E.T 1/3)

Macedonia and Macedonians

Following the return on the agenda of the subject of the name but also due to the sudden visit to Skopje by Greek Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos, we have several reports with depreciating comments about Macedonia:: “This tiny state”, which we shouldn’t “take seriously, nor should we consider it equal to other states, wishing to be part of the EU and other international organizations” (Ad.T. 12/3); “the artificial state at our northern borders, which attempts to destabilize Greece, Bulgaria and Albania with an ‘ethnic Macedonian minority’“ (E.T. 16/3)

The terms Macedonia - Macedonians are always used in quotation marks as an indication of doubt. An article of the Ad.T. (19/3) speaks of “pretentious ‘Macedonians’“, explaining that “it has to do with Slavs”, doubting the existence of our neighbors and their right to call themselves and feel as Macedonians. The same kind of spirit can be found in a report which refers to “the Macedonian evening in Salonica” (Ad.T. 8/3)

The claims of “the Albanians for more autonomy at the local level” (El. 17/3) and the “separatist movements in Tetovo” (B. 2/3) are projected as “the opportunity for Greece to take advantage of the situation for a ‘new negotiations’ package’ between Athens and Skopje (Eth. 13/3). There is openly talk “on nationalist demonstrations against the Albanians”, while at the same time worries about “the prospective problems from the collapse of the pyramidal banking institutions at Skopje, under the shadow of the Albanian crisis” (Eth. 13/3) are also expressed. “At last chauvinist VMRO also leads Skopje to dark days! It sought a motive and it found one in the scandal of the pyramidal banks TAT at Monastere, so it began stirring up the popular insurgence! Gligorof - an old communist of Bulgarian origin - drove ‘the boat’ well. Imagine what will happen if he departs because he’s too old and sick” (Ad.T. 20/3)

This month there were again few reports concerning Romania. The interest of the press concentrates on the important problems that confront this country. There is talk about “a big economic indigence which exists in many social classes”, while “goods for essential nutrition such as milk and bread cost three times more today than they did at Christmas; at the same time, the deficit in the budget comes to a billion dollars ...” (El. 16/3)

The visit of Greek Prime Minister K. Simitis in Bucharest received positive comments by the Greek press, while emphasis was laid on the economic cooperation between the two countries and on the Greek support for Romania’s request to be admitted to NATO (El. 22/3) As it is pointed out in a parapolitical commentary in the same newspaper (21/3) this is “something that no one could have conceived until December 1989 when N. Ceausescu’s regime collapsed. In other words, upside down.” However, an article in E.T. (23/3) referring to the “reception of K.Simitis by the Romanian mass media”, argues that ‘The only thing it wasn’t is warm”, since one could find only “a few one-columns perhaps with an accompanying photograph and a limited number of reports on television.” The article has for a title:: “It was a bit ... chilly in Bucharest”.

Serbia and Serbians

This month the reports on Serbia were a few as well. The interest of the journalists revolves around the presentation of the tactics that is to be followed by the opposition, after its victory at the municipal elections. References are made to “the battle of the antennas” (El. 2/3) for the non-interference by the state in the functioning of the mass media, and on the conditions that were presented to Milosevic in light of the demonstration to commemorate the 9th of March; “the anniversary of the big 1991 demonstrations which Milosevic confronted with tanks.” (El. 16/3)

The situation in Serbia is presented as dangerous because of Kosovo (with the separatist tendencies there and in relation to the Albanian crisis). “In Belgrade even the composed political observers conjecture that, if Milosevic is pushed to the corner, it is possible that in his despair he will pull the Kosovo card, provoking a dreadful attack or an armed riot, which he will be able to put down heroically afterwards. (N. 21/3)

An article from E.T. (30/3) referring to the relations between Greece and Serbia characterizes them as “cold” points out that “in spite of the auspicious conditions which have resulted from the lifting of the international embargo and the close relations which have developed between Athens and Belgrade...a chilliness is replacing the warm relations. At the same time Greek Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos appeared in Belgrade (12/1) as an appraiser of President Milosevic in the middle of the crisis caused by the non-recognition of the municipal elections’ results, and without having developed particular relations with the Serbian opposition yet.”

Finally, we have an article from K (29/3) which describes how one of the consequences of “the collapse of all institutions of the united Yugoslav state was also the splitting of the common Serbo-Croatian language into Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and Montenegrian”, characterizing the citizens of these regions as “multilingual”, since “now they speak four languages instead of one”.

Turkey and Turks

“If Turkey has no place in the European history, Greece doesn’t have one either.” This heretical by Greek standards statement, which was made by Greek Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos, traveled around the world and was commented on in many different ways by both the international and the Greek press. This statement is in contradistinction to the well known negative stereotypes about Turkey; a position taken for the first time by a representative of the Greek government. The moment chosen is unique: it is when inside Turkey (with an Islamic party in power) discussions about the theocratic and the secular state have intensified and when representatives of European states oppose the recognition of Turkey as a participant in the making of the Old Continent’s history and culture. Similar opinions have been expressed in the past, and they continue to be expressed in the present, by Greek intellectuals. “...if Europe is connected or united in the context of its institutions by common civilization, which constitutes a synthesis of the Greek and the Roman spirit as well as that of Christianity, and if all this is Europe of today and tomorrow, then Turkey, in the way it is structured, has no place in Europe. (...) it is indisputable that it is neither a democratic state nor a state of law. On the contrary - it oppresses, it exterminates minorities and all opponents on its territory, while it carries an imperialist policy.” (Ch.Gialouridis: “The Turkish Impasse”, El. 30/3)

E.T. called the Greek Foreign Minister a “janissary” (7/3) and his position such that “celebrates Turkey, ‘Ottoman’“ (21/3). In the same newspaper (21/3), in an article by N. Angelis, we read: “...And we were saying yesterday that it was wrong that Th. Pangalos disapprobated the aphorism of the six prime ministers of the Christian democratic parties, who argued that there is ‘a problem of culture and civilization’ which prohibits the admission of Turkey to the EU. The six spoke of culture and civilization in general, while he assimilated Muslims with the Orthodox and the Jews of Europe. They ignore that Islam means harsh intolerance, aggressiveness and intellectual yoke...Concerning the ‘European history’ of the Turks and their cohabitation with the Greeks, the arguments of Th. Pangalos are tragic. The presence of the Turks in Europe is connected to a long lasting subjugation of the people, by means of thefts, tortures, blood, rapes, kidnapping,. Death and languish.” On the contrary K.(22/3) speaks of “an important gesture” and of “capitalization on confidence, more important that the anticipated benefits that may provide the military measures for building confidence which have been discussed...”

In the same line of thinking with Th. Pangalos’ statement were the words of Greek Deputy Foreign Minister G. Kranidiotis which were “in support of the dialogue between the two peoples on issues which do not concern sovereign rights, like commercial, economic and tourist ones...” (El.26/3). Greek European Parliamentarian of PASOK G. Rubatis said that “...Turkey’s problem is structural and internal”, and “we ought to speak about the need of Turkey to have her sight turned towards the West” (El. 30/3)

The Greek press is occupied extensively with the neighboring country’s problems of identity, proceeding often to negative comments. Turkey is the country with a “split personality” (Ap. 4/4), always threatening (but now even more, because of the attempts made to enforce a theocratic state by Erbakan). “Orthodoxy is the permanent target of the Islamic devotees from Caucasus to the Balkans. Pointing out to the fact, doesn’t constitute at all...fascism.” (E.T. 21/3) In the same kind of spirit are the two reports that are entitled respectively: “Contemporary janizaries devoted to the overthrow of the secular state are educated by the faithful of Islam in Turkey” (Ad.T. 6/3), “Janissaries of the year 2000. They train children in illicit ‘Koranic’ schools in the name of theocracy”. (Ap. 6/3)

In light of the events in Albania a strong “anti-Turkish “ feeling can be observed in the Greek press. “If Turkey were in our place it would have performed a ‘peaceful invasion’, in order to protect those of the same ethnic origin, whether they were in danger or not. We are not Turkey and we will not do the same.” (Ad.T. 4/3) “When Turkey judged that Turkish Cypriots were apparently ‘in danger’ in Cyprus, it performed a military invasion and took over half of the island...” (Ad.T. 4/3). “...And, yet, the moustached devotees of Islam have not intervened...” (Ad.T. 6/3)

We observe a reinforcement of negative stereotypes on Turkey through the projection of the Turkish stereotypes on the Greeks. An article in El. (7/3) presents commentaries of Turkish newspapers about ‘the Greek finger’ in the Albanian insurrection’, while E.T.(18/3) speaks of the “nationalist and Islamic delirium of the Turkish newspapers and the ‘surrealistic’ scenario which criticizes Greece that it instigates the turmoil in Albania...”

In its turn and obeying to the same logic of presenting events, E.T. (15/3) writes: “The Turkish falcons are on the alert” argues that Turkey “seeks to raise the tension in the Aegean sea in order to cancel Athens military interference in Albania”.

The Greek press likes to put forward subjects that are related to the violation of human rights in Turkey. Lengthy reports and references are made by almost all newspapers on the denunciations made by Amnesty International criticizing the EU for having acted like an ostrich on the question of torture in Turkey (Ad.T. 6/3). There were also accounts of the Human Rights Watch and an extensive presentation of the Committee for the Protection of the Journalists’ report on the right to practice their profession without interference, [“Turkey is first on this black list” (Ap. 15/3)]. It is interesting to point out that the Human Rights Watch accounts on Greece are viewed with suspicion and skepticism, while when they refer to Turkey, they are considered ‘reliable’ (Ad.T. 20/3). The titles and the reports are written with an air of intensity, using words such as “smacking” (N. 20/3) and “slap” (Ap. 20/3).

Negative, reaching to nationalistic, were the reactions of the representatives of the press and political life to the initiative of three university students on the island of Mitilini. The students reportedly wanted to hoist together the Greek and the Turkish flags “on the day of the anniversary of the Greek revolution” claiming that “they wanted to propel the reconciliation of the two peoples, with no intention of assailing the Greek flag” E.T 26/3); (in spite of the fact that the incident took place on 21/3, as it was revealed later on).

The students were characterized as “bugbears” and “progressive asskinds” (Ad.T 26/3), “brainless progressives” (El. 26/3), while a Greek deputy accused them as “instigators, members of the so called Greek-Turkish friendship Committee that distributes generously the Ipekci awards and of the so called Front of Reason who diminish patriotic vigilance and readiness with their attitude” (El. 26/3)

The statements made by the Turkish commander in chief of the armed forces about opening of the way for dialogue between the two countries were received by the Greek press positively but with some reservations. “Flirtation with the ‘falcons’ of Ankara” (E.T. 28/3).

In contrast with all the above we also find certain reports which present in a positive way Turkey and the Greek-Turkish relations. “From Turkey we know the extended violations of human rights which hinder it from becoming part of Europe. We also know that between these two extreme ends emerges a middle class which tries to cultivate social stability” (N. 18/3). An article in Eth. (2/3) refers to the friendship of two girls from the two countries who are musicians . “Instead of being eternal enemies, we became friends. One must be free from enmities”. Ap. (19/3) consecrates a reportage on the meeting of Greeks and Turks of refugee origin at Lagada. The statement made by the Mayor Seirek Menemenis was characteristic: “A trip to Greece estranged them. Now that they have come they saw that there wasn’t a problem with the Greeks and that these people were as hospitable as we are”.