JUNE 1998 Monitoring

The activities of the Turkish minority MPs are once more the spearhead. The importance and the role of the media in practice: the example of Yannitsohori. Albania - relations with Kosovo and situation of the Greek minority in the South of the country. Bulgaria - associations between the past and the present. Macedonia - the name and the minority are the apple of discord. Rumania - far from Greece. Turkey - the same old image.

Internal minorities

The Turkish minority of Thrace is once more at the forefront of media coverage. The reason could be found in the initiatives taken by the minority MPs to inform the international community on the problems of the minority in an effort to exert pressure internally and to demand (all the more so before the coming municipal and prefectural elections) a better treatment for its members. These efforts are described (mainly by the Conservative press) as a coordinated attempt on the part of the Turkish Consulate and Ankara to create unwarranted problems in Greece’s international relations but also in its relations with the minority itself. The positions of minority MPs are presented as totally unfounded and unsubstantiated; this misleads the reader that Greece is absolutely consistent as to its obligations towards the minority. "(... ) Mr Galip is now promoting activities ‘in his own ground’, cosigning with the extremist elements of the minority an ‘open condemnation’ of Greece, comparing the country more or less with a ‘primitive African country’. The ‘condemnation,’ whose text was circulated in the Turkish language and is published today in ‘E.T.,’ touches upon the issue of the education of the minority, which in recent months is the ‘spearhead’ of Ankara’s propaganda, modeled on the Albanian demands in Kosovo." (E.T. 2/6). "POLAN issued a statement, characterizing Galip’s position as a ‘serious offense against the Constitution, the Parliament and the Greek laws’ and blaming the ‘guilty silence of the Prime Minister and President of PASOK as well as of the other party leaders’" (E.T. 3/6). "Strange things are presently taking place in Thrace. The Muslim MPs of the two big parties are attacking the Greek state undisturbed, while their colleague (of SYN) prefers directing his fire against Archbishop Hristodoulos! At the same time, however, while the puppets of Ankara take their masks off, some state officials -Christian as to their creed but of obscure national consciousness- are literally ... competing with each other over whom will be more liked by the extremists of the minority. How else could one explain the idea of some employees of the Ministry of Culture who have chosen the framework of activities of the ‘Acting Center of Thrace’ to invite a ‘Turkish religious group of dervishes’ (sic) to perform in Komotini on May 29" (E.T. 8/6).

However, a section of the progressive political and journalistic world avoided giving a ‘national(ist)’ shade to the issue, indirectly recognizing that the official political practice followed in the past (and still present today) in relation to the minority, was not the best possible. "N. Bistis, member of the Political Secretariat of Synaspismos, stated that the recently unleashed attack by A. Andreoulakos and H. Kipouros against the MP of his party, M. Mustafa, and against the other two MPs of the same religion, was nationalist and antidemocratic. He expressed his surprise as regards the silence of the Vice Chairmen of the Parliament and the objections raised by D. Tsovolas and A. Peponis against the abolition of Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code" (EL. 13/6). The decision for the abolition and retroactive force of Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code and the position of the Spokesman of the government, D. Reppas, on the activities of Mr. Galip ["He is a representative of the Greek people and a member of Parliament" (E.T. 3/6)] reveal an effort on the part of the Simitis government to calm down the atmosphere and to avoid blowing the issue out of proportion.

The activities of the new Archbishop of Athens and of the whole of Greece, Hristodoulos, as well as his statements in the Greek media, still instigate a public dialogue on the necessity to separate the Church from the State. The supporters of the separation claim that the new Archbishop has very much exceeded the limits of his competencies. The Conservative press, from the extreme right paper Stohos to E.T., recognize in the face of the new Archbishop a new leader who will resurrect the patriotic morale of the Greek nation. The way in which E.T. (4/6) comments on the official reaction of the Orthodox Church at the visit of the followers of the Old Calendar to the Presidential Palace is typical. "However, there is a general impression that the President of the Republic, in the name of equality before the law, committed a serious mistake. As the Spokesman of the Archbishop’s office, Archimandrite Ignatios told us, if for example the unofficial and unrecognized by the Greek state mufti of Xanthi, supported by Ankara, decided to ask for a meeting, would the President receive him? And, if the Skopjans came to live in Greece and asked to see the President as ‘Macedonians,’ would he receive them? And furthermore, if a private police force calls itself ELAS and their chief asked the President to receive him, would he satisfy this wish?" (E.T. 4/6).

The ‘thriller’ provoked by the temporary prohibition on the circulation of the New Dictionary of the Greek Language by G. Babiniotis has not calmed down. The limited reflexes of the Greek intellectuals are highlighted in the following quotation: "However, the saddest and most serious thing was the ‘shameful silence’ - in what other country would such a thing happen? - of those who, independently of normal differences of opinion or of very human professional rivalries, have the elementary obligation to defend the freedom of intellectual work and creation... And also of those who, educated in legal matters and Constitutional Law specialists, should have reacted immediately. And all this is independent of the question as to whether the academic community thought that the phenomenon of censorship was immediately and directly refutable" (N. 3/6). It seems that Greek public opinion is more concerned with the ‘national’ dimension of the whole issue and less interested in the right to freedom of expression and to unhindered scientific research. "I ask myself, couldn’t some of our Northern neighbors take advantage of the fact that the disputed entry in a reliable Greek dictionary has recorded this particular concept - regardless of the fact that its use is improper and insulting - as a written documentation of their claims?" [letter of S. Anagnostopoulos (K. 4/6)]. "Did anyone of all these gentlemen think that Mr. Babiniotis’ dictionary might give again the Bulgarians the appetite to say ‘See, the Greeks of Athens themselves state that the inhabitants of the North of Greece are Bulgarians. Therefore, we are right to lay claims on them. How will they reply then?" [letter of E. Angelou (EL. 4/6)].

A ‘national’ dimension was given also to a conference that took place in Larisa in the framework of the European Program for Minority Languages. The spearhead on this occasion was the language of the Vlachs. The conference was characterized as ‘suspect’ (E.T. 9/6) on the grounds that mass media and local officials were not invited. It seems that even the scientific research on minority languages and the interest for their preservation and cultural promotion are treated with utmost skepticism and suspicion in Greece. "Greece has suffered very much and the Vlachs have suffered even more. Do you believe that the state behaves as a tyrant, and that it restricts the freedom of the Vlachs? You can carry out language research, but don’t speak of minorities and of Vlach schools. Such a matter is non-existent" [S. Floros, Prefect of Larisa (E.T. 9/6)]. "The aim is not any promotion at all. The aim is the division, the destruction of our people. They want Greece to become Bosnia. They want the country drowned in blood again. The Albanians will become the Kurds of Greece" (...) "Wherever a minority language is recognized, a minority ethnicity is also recognized!" [S. Kargakos, (E.T. 19/6)].

E.T. (3/6) speaks of "20 Albanians who have attacked a villager." Neither the headline, nor the report leave any room for misinterpretation. However, according to EL. (5/6) the truth is rather different; this proves the role played by mass media in shaping the public opinion and spreading xenophobic tendencies and views. "The day before yesterday all papers that carried reports referring to the beating of a resident of the village of Yannitsohori by Albanians, have omitted a … detail: the beaten resident not only has for months now been the protagonist of various acts of barbarism against Albanians, but a few days ago he slapped in the face a young Albanian who was buying kebab. [This ‘detail’ was mentioned only in EL.’s report]. Last evening’s ‘Vradini’ elaborated on the incident of the day before yesterday. It referred to the frightened and angry inhabitants, and published the statement of the President of the Community (‘The Albanians will slaughter us’) as well as of the hater of Albanians who was beaten up. (‘We are not racist. We try to protect our women and children’). Unfortunately, something elementary is missing from this report: the question addressed to the victim whether what the Albanians denounced him for, i.e. that he slapped a young Albanian in the face without any reason, is well-grounded or not. And whether the police know anything about this denunciation... As for Mr. Bandoukas deeds, the colleague of ‘Vradini’ did not need to ask any questions. TV images are still very fresh. They showed a man who was beating up in cold blood two bewildered Albanians. This man was Mr. Bandoukas himself."

And it is the same paper (EL. 18/6) which, in an very critical and sarcastic way, comments on court decisions issued in cases of Albanian migrants, victims of Greek Albanophobes: "Are onions or water-melons more valuable as property goods? Certainly the water-melons are; Greek justice has answered with authority this question in the affirmative. Last year, the Court of Larisa acquitted a field-guard accused of shooting and killing a young Albanian illegal migrant, when he saw the latter stealing a water-melon. The day before yesterday, the magistrate’s court of Thessaloniki condemned a 76-year-old peasant to six months imprisonment and to a 200,000 drachmae fine, He had shot at and injured a young Albanian, who was stealing ... onions from his field... The balance of Justice gives priority to material goods of whatever value while disregarding the value of a human life when it comes to Albanians. And then we are asking ourselves how, in the traditionally hospitable Greek society, acts of contention and brutal racist violence against the poverty-stricken illegal migrants are encouraged and generated."

In practice, the role of the press and its importance in the spreading and strengthening of positive and negative stereotypes is shown in the best possible way in the following two questions. The answers are given by the press itself: What are the current negative stereotypes shared by Greeks as regards their Balkan neighbors? "Turkey has a well programmed official nationalism. Albania is close to the implementation of its Greater Albania Idea; this country has proven to be the lucky party of the Balkan new order. Skopje insists on its provocation. It has gotten what it wanted from Greece without giving anything in return. Europe is propping its European ambitions, the USA is working for the expansion and the strengthening of Albania. Everybody rewards the intransigence of Skopje and still refers to this country as ‘Macedonia’" (E.T. 17/6). Are there perhaps any exceptions? "For example, all our neighbors are afraid that Greece wishes to extend its borders to their detriment and we, on our part, are afraid that the neighbors wish to dwindle our borders. And surely there are groups in all these countries having these ideas in their minds. However, it seems to me (unless this is just wishful thinking) that the majority do not wish such things. A hundred years ago, the case was exactly the opposite. Yet we, here in the area, operate as if we were still in the eve of the Balkan wars. Unfortunately" (V. 14/6).

Albania and the Albanians

The recent crisis in Kosovo brought the issue of the Greek minority in South Albania to the forefront again. The Conservative opposition press seized the opportunity to accuse the Greek government for the strengthening of ties between the two countries and to also accuse the Albanian side for treating human rights in very discriminative manner. The Kosovo Albanians’ demands broad autonomy are compared with those of the Greek minority. The reasons behind this parallel are drawn from historical background. "The invocation of the protection of human rights is obviously the alibi of politicians seeking to impose the Africa syndrome upon Europe. Indeed, if the aim was the protection of the national identity and of the human rights of peoples, then the new order would have cared for the independence of the oppressed nationalities using different criteria, and would have punished all invaders, like the Turks in Cyprus. Moreover, we, the Greeks, have experienced the hypocrisy and the selective protection of human rights in other cases as well. One of them was pointed out by Mr. Mitsotakis in a statement he issued. ‘If Albania claims the autonomy of the Albanian-speaking population of Kosovo, why does it reject the autonomy of the Greeks of Northern Epirus?’ he said, when he visited Tirana. It is worthwhile noting here that the Hellenic population of Northern Epirus is the most ancient population of the area, the same as the Serbs are in Kosovo. However, historical tradition does not seem to be one of the decisive factors for the drawing of policies in the new order. The question is then, can Europe itself protect its history?" (E.T. 21/6). The Conservative press considers the Albanians to be the big winners in the Balkan game. With the help of the Americans the Albanians took advantage of the anti-Serbian feelings of the West and of its selective response to the issue of human rights. Thus Serbia was brought to the point of yet another secession, by internationalizing an internal matter and by making Serbia accountable before the international community. All this is happening at a time when Turkey, undisturbed, keeps oppressing the Kurds and is carrying out cleansing operations in the southern part of the country. On these grounds, the prediction is that Greater Albania is not far from becoming a reality. And what is more, the supporters of an even ‘Greater’ Albania have good reasons for hope, because thousands of Albanian migrants have invaded the Greek territory. "Even if this seems strange, the Balkans experience again the triumph of Albanian nationalism. The Albanians are taking advantage of the opportunities offered by the new order and of the mistakes of other peoples. They are very successful in achieving their strategic aims. First, they have managed to eliminate the North-Epirotans as a national and political force. Second, the Albanians have managed to plant half a million of their compatriots into the Greek labor market by gradually creating conditions for the recognition of minority rights. Third, they have succeeded in internationalizing the problem of Kosovo, as they achieved, after decades of pressures, to change the population composition of the area to the detriment of the Serbs and in favor of the Albanian-speaking population" (E.T. 9/6). "The Albanians, with the assistance of our politicians, have eliminated the North-Epirotans who endured half a century of Stalinist oppression and have created a numerous Albanian minority in Greece. They are very close to the moment of break up of Serbia and will certainly play a leading role in Skopje as well. With the help of our politicians, who have refused to draw a national strategy, the Albanians have become the big winners of the Balkan new order!" (E.T. 15/6).

To be sure, the distrust of the Conservative press towards the Albanians and Albania does not stop there. If Kosovo attracts attention because of the ‘harsh tackling’ suffered by the traditional friends of Greece, the Serbs, the ‘internal front’ of the Albanian immigrants in Greece attracts even more attention. The fears that an Albanian minority might be formed in Greece are more than obvious: "I found this piece of information in the ‘Macedonian Agency’ and I publish it unaltered: ‘A sports association named ‘Albanian sports in Greece’ was created in Athens on the initiative of a group of Albanian migrants. The aim of the Association is to inform the audience about the history and the contribution of the Albanian athletes and coaches in Greece and to foster among the new generation who live far from Albania the best ideals of athletics and the love for their fatherland’. I raise an objection, because I don’t understand whom they mean by ‘Albanian athletes and coaches’ and to what ‘fatherland’ they refer?" (E.T. 14/6). "Are those who protest against the one million aliens entering and staying in poor Greece racists? Many of these aliens commit murders, thefts etc. and have imposed an unprecedented terror against our peaceful people throughout Greece? And aren’t the ones who wish that the aliens stay haters of Greece? These people disregard the real danger -only those who are blind cannot see it- of potential minority problems and the risk of a Greek Kosovo. Or, perhaps they hope to go to Paradise as the wise popular saying has it ‘slaughter me ... my Albanian, so that I may become a saint’?" [letter of the member of the High Court Mr. P. Papanikolopoulos to K (26/6)].

Contrary to the above, the more progressive press approves of the calm climate in the relations between the two countries and greets the initiatives aiming at strengthening of the ties between the two peoples. The exhibition of 19 Albanian ceramists organized in Athens with the assistance of El is a typical example of this. "This exhibition - Mr. Fyndanidis [director of EL.] said - is a small proof that in our suffering neighbor country, which has experienced oppression and distress for centuries, the cultivation of art and of the sense of beauty was never abandoned. In Albania even clay is rare. These people create wonderful works of art with whatever material they have at their disposal, even with industrial waste, as they told me. This shows the greatness of the human soul which always seeks to overcome the difficulties and devote itself to the art of beauty" (EL. 26/6).

"This news must have disturbed those unrepentant racists, who live in the realm of intolerance. Never, even in their worst nightmares, did they imagine that they could see an Albanian artist. (...) The inspired organizers of the exhibition must be congratulated. The time has come for mentalities to change, for sympathetic eyes to be turned to that tormented country and to its residents who do not at all differ in their inner lives from us, the ‘civilized’" (N. 30/6).

Bulgaria and the Bulgarians

The invocation of the ‘danger from the North’ and associations to the cool relations prevailing between Greece and Bulgaria until recently have not yet disappeared from the Greek press. "The new issue of the magazine ‘Nemesis’ of Mrs. Liana Kanelli (on circulation next Tuesday) is bringing under the light of publicity an important document showing the revival of Bulgarian nationalism and, for our country, the reappearance of the ‘danger from the North’. The document is a long essay with the title ‘The National Doctrine of Bulgaria’. It has been drafted, at the request of the government, by a committee of Academicians (apparently the Academicians are keeping themselves busy), military men, diplomats and other experts. What is the aim of the essay? Listen and wonder: the self-awareness of the Bulgarian people, as a united and coherent nation and of the Bulgarian state as a single-nationality state with clear expansionist ambitions against all the neighbors: Yugoslavia, Skopje, and Greek Thrace" (K. 14/6).

However, the opposite approach is also present, an approach criticizing the Cold War practices of the past and looking at the relations between the two people from the standpoint of good neighborhood, common history and parallel experiences: "Life in that country is moving in many aspects. On the one hand, it reminds me of Greece of the 50s and the 60s when people were trying to stand on their feet and find a way to live with dignity. There is a widespread kindness and a culture deeply embedded inside them despite the difficult times. All the more so, if we recall how we have been brought up and how we were driven to look at them. In our barracks in the army we could read the phrases ‘while you are sleeping Bulgarians are watching for you’ or we could see posters representing an evzone stepping over a Bulgarian. On the other hand, it is tragic to observe all this rage in the neighboring countries over who will invade the newly created markets. The yuppies think that with their money they can squeeze a country which is under reconstruction and get everything they wish: women, friendships, trade. And still, it is tragic to see that the Bulgarians are watching and tolerating this rage" (N. 27/6).

Macedonia and the Macedonians

The political calming down as regards the name issue does not imply its definitive entry into the ‘time-wardrobe of history’. The matter is raised anew on any given occasion and for whatever reason, not only by the opposition but also by the conservative press supporting the opposition. The name of the neighboring Republic is still a ‘national’ issue for Greece which remains one of the permanent fields of criticism against the government and its foreign policy. Apart from the internal party opposition and the main parliamentary opposition, the ‘national’ dimension of the Macedonian issue has been defended even by the newly elected Archbishop of Athens and of the whole of Greece Hristodoulos. ["Whoever is selling out his history does not deserve to be called a descendant of our worthy ancestors" (Eth. 26/6)]. It is easy to explain the ‘rigidity’ of Greek public opinion as regards the whole matter. Many times, the reason for the re-emergence of the issue are the statements and positions attributed to the other side. A typical example is the way in which EL (26/6) referred to the speech of the President of the neighboring country delivered in his native town of Stip. "New unredeemed cries by Gligorov" is a very characteristic headline of correspondent T. Diamandis. The same speech and even more so its publication in the Nova Makedonija newspaper days after it was delivered, is a matter of concern for the journalist who described as "strange" the time chosen for its publication. [It coincided with the visit in Athens of the Macedonian Foreign Minister, Mr. Hadjinski and of Richard Holbrook in Macedonia after the recent crisis in Kosovo]. In general, Gligorov refers to the interest on the part of Greece, belated with some 50 years, in the constitutional name of his country, pointing out that "his country does not claim the monopoly to the name ‘Macedonia’ because there are Macedonian territories outside the borders of ‘Macedonia’". This particular position, as well as the wish expressed by President Gligorov that his people may get into contact "with all sections of the Macedonian people living outside the borders of the Macedonian state" are, for the EL. reporter, a clear manifestation of unredeemed claims on the part of the political leadership of the neighboring state. However, a progressive paper gave a rather different account pf the disputed speech. Avgi approaches the positions of the Macedonian President much more calmly, characterizing them as "moderate." This difference is less related to the political line of the two papers and more to the personality of their correspondents. It is not the first time that T. Diamandis treats the statements, positions and initiatives of the Macedonian side with skepticism and suspicion, often copying the style of the journalists of the conservative and populist press. It is a fact that references to the Macedonian national identity of the neighbors and -even ‘worse’- of the bilingual residents of Northern Greece are a scandal not only for the overwhelming majority of the Greek press, but also for Greek public opinion in general. The right to self-determination is not even mentioned. The name of the neighboring state and the demand that the Macedonian minority inside the Greek territory be recognized, are presented as an organized plan for the break up and the dwindling of the sovereignty of the country. The following is the single interpretive scheme offered by the Greek press to its readers: "Regardless of the fact that our neighbors in Skopje are asking for Greek assistance more and more as they want to grow both economically and commercially, they don’t forget their propaganda on the name issue even during official meetings" (E.T. 8/6). "The representatives of Skopje call their country ‘Macedonia’ during their official contacts in Greece and they have imposed their country, with this very name, at the level of international mass media and international public opinion. Thus, the Skopjans are winning the battle for their name, while the only thing the Simitis government is doing is concealing its national resignation from Greek public opinion" (E.T. 25/6). Finally, with the typical headline "The ‘voice of propaganda’ will probably be silenced," K (25/6) points out that "the undisguised, anti-Hellenic propaganda waged by various FYROM-controlled centers will probably be silenced soon." (meaning the Greek language broadcast of the state radio of Skopje).

However, there is a part of the political, journalistic and social world that seem to accept the solution of a compromise, so that one of the fronts of the Greek foreign policy may finally be closed. There are some, who even try to reverse the arguments concerning the Greek historical and language ‘priority’, wishing to show the other side of the coin. "1) Why is the language used as a criterion of nationality as regards Ancient Macedonians? Was it not used as a criterion as regards Macedonians under Turkish occupation, when the Slavophones were the majority? 2) What is it that weighs more today in modern Kosovo, the name of a language or its preservation? Why don’t ecological and cultural sensitivities keep pace with the interest on human languages?" [letter of G. Pounios, (EL. 15/6)]

Rumania and the Rumanians

Very few references were made about Rumania. One of the exceptions was Eth’s coverage of the agreement signed between Greece and Rumania ["3,500 children from Rumania have become Greek children"(28/6)]. The above agreement anticipates the adoption of 3,500 children of Rumanian origin by Greeks, and is expected to resolve two crucial problems: on the one hand it will cover the ‘deficit’ between ‘supply and demand’ of children for adoption in Greece, and, on the other, it will give the opportunity to some of the many children abandoned in the various institutions to live in more humane conditions, as the budgets of these institutions are extremely low, due to the deep economic crisis ravaging the Rumania.

Serbia and the Serbs

As was to be expected, the crisis in Kosovo did monopolize the interest of the Greek press during this month. In general lines, the majority of the Greek press tried to keep some balance, presenting the positions of both sides. "Had the Albanian-speaking minority of Serbia (the majority in the province of Kosovo) enjoyed a minimum of human rights ensuring individual dignity, it wouldn’t have sought an independent state entity" (N 6/6). However, the choice of the term ‘Albanian-speaking’ minority, suggests a language dispute and not a national one. This creates a false impression about the situation in the area and, in the eyes of a ‘traditional Greek reader’, it legitimizes the Serbian side: How could a language minority threaten the internal balance of a state and of the whole Balkan peninsula? This impression is much more intense in the conservative opposition press. The framework used for the explanation of the situation is particularly simplistic: The West and the USA, following the ‘divide and rule’ policy and their anti-Serb instincts, are attacking Serbia by playing the card of Albanian nationalism. The target is the weakening of Milosevic. The Serb viewpoint that Kosovo is an internal problem of Serbia is fully adopted, while the whole interpretive scheme is decorated with danger-mongering metaphors referring to Greek reality and with parallels between the Albanians of Kosovo and the minority of Thrace. The historical tradition and presence of the Serbs in the area is considered more valuable than the need to respect human and minority rights. "The Serbs refuse to give up their national cradle, Kosovo, to the Albanians who fight for autonomy and for the annexation of the area to Albania. This means that the Serbs are doing exactly what the English and the French would have done if aliens forming the majority in their own cities were to ask for independence. Of course, this is what we would also do if the self-labeled Turks, i.e. the Muslims of Thrace, were to demand their autonomy. Unfortunately, this is where they are heading to, with steady steps, strengthened by the Greek culture-addicts! And this is what we would do if the waves of invading Albanians were to occupy our deserted villages, as the Foreign Ministry is afraid they will do" (E.T. 15/6). Parallels are drawn also as regards Turkey and the Kurdish minority. "Serbia is denounced for its indeed impermissible policy, while Albania is free to send arms and men to Kosovo, 40% of whose territory is already controlled by the Albanian-speaking population. Albanian nationalism is encouraged throughout the remnants of ex-Yugoslavia, while it is discouraged in Skopje, considered to be a state of great strategic importance, a state which must not be destabilized. The strongmen of the new order have feelings about the oppression of the Albanian-speaking people of Kosovo. However, they are indifferent as to the much harsher oppression of the Kurds by the Turks" (E.T. 17/6). The Conservative press considers the Serbs the only true allies of the Greeks in the Balkan peninsula. "Greek politicians and commentators are openly siding with the ‘murderers of the people’ and with Kinkel and demand the immediate smashing of ‘Serbian nationalists’! The phenomenon is tragic for a country that has in its territory a minority which is a ‘local majority’ and is oriented towards our deadly enemy. A country that has just one ‘friend’ in the Balkans, the Serbs! ‘The Serbs are murdering and leading the Albanians to the ultimate resistance’ etc. Greek signatures are following. What do they mean? That the Serbs must go and the Albanians must come! These calls remind us of something. They are like ‘copies’ of similar Turkish comments on Thrace. Is it possible that some commentators do not know what they are doing and do not know where this nonsense is leading to?" (E.T. 24.6). However, it is obvious that the official policy of the Greek government and the position of the progressive press treat the whole Kosovo issue in a more distanced way. What is more, they take into account the recent past with the precedent of Bosnia. The Serbs remain our allies and friends but this does not mean that the Greeks will justify all their ‘deviations’ from the principles of International Law. A typical example are the statements of the Greek Deputy Minister of Defense, D. Apostolakis: "Good relations - Yes - but this does not mean that our view will be blurred and we will not see that the use of violence for the solution of the problem will have devastating effects on the whole area" (EL. 22/6). The opposition press is taking advantage of this distancing of the Greek side, in order to criticize the government for re-defining the relations between Greece and Serbia, accusing it that it lacks the courage and falls into line with the geopolitical-economic interests of the West to the detriment of Greece. As to the parallels drawn with Thrace, they are addressed to the well known ‘sensitivity’ of Greek public opinion as regards minority issues.

Turkey and the Turks

Turkey’s profile as sketched in the Greek press, has not changed. The already existing negative stereotypes are strengthened especially at times when Greek-Turkish relations are aggravated. Turkey, the ‘sworn enemy’ of Greece, is always presented as provocative, threatening, barbaric and utterly unreliable. The ‘personality’ of the country, split between the West and the East, the political instability, the militarist regime and the violations of human rights, (re)constitute time and again, the portrait drawn by the Greek publications and electronic media. "The ruler of the planet knows very well that Turkey suffers from an incurable disease, and that it will never become a healthy democratic state; that it seeks an identity; that it is continuously driven towards different directions: the Modernizers of Gilmaz wish Turkey to be a European state and look towards the West, The Islamists of Erbakan are inclined towards the Middle East and look towards the South" (E.T. 19/6). The impression formed, when one follows the Greek press for some time, is that, if ever all these structural elements composing the picture of the country were to change, a big number of journalists and reporters would lose the grounds of their existence. A typical example is the way in which a journalist of Nea (18/6) comments on the Amnesty International report on Turkey. The very few improvements pointed out in the report are treated with skepticism and suspicion, and there are hints even against the reliability of the report and against the organization that compiled it. "‘The reforms have not yet reached international standards, as they allow the practice of detention without contact with the outside world. The country, as it has been generally recognized, favors torture.’ With this -strange formulation to say the least- Amnesty International covers human rights violations in Turkey this year. The report says that acts of torture continued to be widely spread in sectors of the Police and the Gendarmerie. Yet, it adds, ‘a new law decreasing maximum detention time in police stations from 30 to 20 days has had a positive impact’! At another point there is a vague reference to 13 ‘arbitrary assassinations’ (sic) of citizens and detainees of ‘armed separatists, left-wingers and Islamic organizations’" These challenges are not the outcome of a comparative analysis of other reports of international human rights organizations. Neither are they based on a presentation of data proving that Amnesty International has a special interest (e.g. corruption) to embellish the situation, biased towards Turkey. Thus, one cannot but ask whether some politicians and journalists are indeed interested in the human rights issue itself, or whether they simply use the alibi provided by the violation of human rights in order to finally address criticism for the sake of criticism, by preserving nationalism and strengthening the already existing stereotypes. "But the Turks are not bothered by such things. What they need is to be forced to run uphill, loaded, and with uncomfortable shoes! This is the only language they understand" (N. 9/6).

All comparisons between Greece and Turkey show, on the one hand the superiority of the Greeks and, on the other, the inferiority complex of a country wishing very much to become a ‘caliph in the place of the caliph’. "Today we will not resist the temptation to publish some monumental phrases referring to Greece uttered over the times by some famous men of the West. Nobody has ever uttered the slightest praise about the Turks. And what could one say when its history is written with the blood of millions of Greeks, Armenians, Kurds and other liberal peoples and when only yesterday information saw the light of the day about the assistance offered to Hitler?" (E.T. 22/6).