JULY 1997 Monitoring

by Christina Rougheri, Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group - Gr.

ABSTRACT

Reactions against Gligorov’s statements about a Macedonian minority in Greece as well as against the forthcoming repeal of Art. 19 of the Greek Identity Code. Voices calling for self-control with regard to the "sweep-operations" carried out by the Greek Police against Albanian illegal immigrants in Greece. The Albanian elections on the forefront. Restrained optimism about the future of the country. A climate of Albanophobia on the occasion of events at the Greek borderline. Positive comments on Stoyanov’s visit, annoyance for the misunderstanding about a Bulgarian minority in Greece. Cultivation of a climate of supremacy towards Macedonia, emphasis on the political and historical relations between Bulgaria and Macedonia. The name and the minority are still thorny issues. Milosevic’s new post is characterized as a vaulting-board for a new leading role by the former president of Serbia. Reactions against the Madrid Agreement. The pro-government press is disposed rather positively. On every occasion, there is a comparison between the bad and barbarian Turkey in relation to the democratic and culturally superior Greece.

Internal Minorities

"I see (in ‘Apogevmatini’) the excellent headline: ‘Respect for the minorities’ rights’. And I become participant of a warm advocacy for ‘true equality before the law’ and for human rights. The excellent text was referring to the Greek minority in Albania. Alas! In my records I have not found even one text by ‘Ap.’ as well as any other newspapers in favor of the rights of the formally called Muslim minority in Greece. I only found general formulations, wishes and parading of the ‘official’ view. Double standards." (El. 2/7). The above commentary compounds, in a few lines, the philosophy and practice of the Greek press on the issues of minorities in Greece, whilst, at the same time, it condemns the full alignment of the Greek newspapers with the official political stance.

As expected, the statements made by K. Gligorov about a Macedonian minority in Greece have generated the anger of the Greek press. "Gligorov provokes. He reopens an issue about a ‘Macedonian’ minority in Greece declaring that this will remain open even in the event that the problem with regard to the name is settled" (Ad.T. 24/7). "We nurtured arbitrariness of Gligorov’s who, after winning on the issue of the name by making the ...last retreat to name the statelet a ‘Republic of Macedonia-Skopje’, now he comes and also raises the issue of a ‘Macedonian minority’ in Greece. It is also known that Albania raises its own issue extending ‘its territorial claims’ as far as Preveza. The Turks have been raising the minority issue for years now. And, to complete the whole arc at our northern borders, Bulgaria has also raised the issue about a Bulgarian minority in Greece with the equally unacceptable statements by Stoyanov..." (Ap. 24/7). In a particularly ironical style, Ap. (25/7) criticizes the official reaction by the government to the statements made by the President of the neighboring country. "Without making the slightest reference to the unacceptable statements by Gligorov about ‘a Macedonian minority’ in Greece, yesterday the government chose the moment to manifest its interest in the Greeks and Greek-Vlachs of Greek origin who live in Skopje".

More specifically, with regard to the manner in which the Macedonian minority is treated by the state but also by the press, the extract which follows is characteristic: "For three whole days the Greek authorities in the prefecture of Florina have been negotiating (in the full meaning of the word) with some persons self-styled ‘Macedonians’ of the area, as to which songs will be heard during the annual feast which takes place in Meliti. Eventually the negotiation ended in a (seeming) draw, since the musical group of the Association was compelled to not perform ‘Renowned Macedonia, Alexandros’ land’, so that ‘Greeks get out of Macedonia’ will not be heard in counteraction. The official authorities refused to react, but there was a spontaneous reaction by some inhabitants of Meliti who were there and (correctly) considered the action as an offense towards their national convictions. In any case, the situation will get worse year in year out, since not only have the Skopje agents grown insolent but also Gligorov himself, as he violates openly even the Interim Agreement, and now crudely raises an issue about a ‘Macedonian minority’." (E.T. 27/7).

With regard to the minority in Thrace, an energetic ‘mobility’ appears in the Greek press on the forthcoming repeal of Art. 19 of the Greek Identity Code. "The right to vote is granted to Turkish Muslims" (Ad.T. 30/7). E.T. (29/7) estimates that "the regaining of the Greek identity by the numerous Muslims who have been living outside Greece for years and most of them have completely forgotten the ...place of their origin, will allow them to be able to come to Greece and vote in elections, buy with the financial assistance of Ankara whatever they want in the area, so that, in a few years, this border area will completely change its character to the benefit of the expansionist aims of Turkey which are that Thrace gets its autonomy". The same newspaper (E.T. 29/7) describes "the decision made by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to dissolve its Services in Thrace as ‘strange’". It is evident that the newspaper sees this movement with skepticism as it considers that "the Service functioned dissuasively towards the suspicious plans of extremist circles of the minority". Moreover, a report in E.T. (6/7) relevant to the Rodopes area, states: "‘We have had enough of being presented as if we were Turkey! We are Greece and moreover borderland and gallant at heart! A Greece which respects the ways of living, customs, traditions, fatherland, religion, family. We are a Greece which respects human rights more than any other country in the world. This is what our Christian people say. This is what the prefect of the Rodope prefecture cries out too".

An article in K. (20/7) under the headline: "Proposals for the policy on minorities in Greece", among other things, comes out for the compulsory (for all, in practice) nine-year education, for the teaching of the Pomak and Roma (Gypsy) language at schools, for the learning of the Greek language with books specially written for this, for the teaching of the Koran in Greek translation, and for the training of Christian teachers intended to teach in minority schools. For once, the issue of minority education occupies the Greek press which, as a rule, does not take a position on this issue thus avoiding to criticize the government’s practices and affirming, once again, the tacit alliance between the press and the state on sensitive national issues.

This month also, the interest of the Greek press is stirred by the issue of illegal immigration. The discussion on the presidential decrees which will determine the legalization status of the immigrants in Greece is particularly intense. While making ironical comments about the racist attitude of the Greeks, K. (10/7) criticizes the decision taken by the Cabinet to exclude from the relevant provisions those immigrants who come from neighboring countries with the argument that these cases should be regulated on the basis of inter-state agreements. "...we are not annoyed so much by the Poles, the Arabs, the Filipinos, the Africans; on the contrary, we have even feelings of sympathy for them; we are annoyed by the Albanians who are the vast majority and, for the public feeling, the most subhumans of the subhumans of social margin... Now then, the relevant two presidential decrees, on the contrary, intensify these situations as, quite arbitrarily, they exclude precisely those foreigners who come from the neighboring countries (Albanians, Bulgarians, Skopjans, Turks) and they produce illegal immigrants of two levels, in violation of the Constitution and the legal framework in force... Surely, the cabinet had their reasons for reaching this decision. So that an uncontrollable current of mass flight from Albania and Bulgaria will not be brought about. So that Northern Epirus will not get desolated. So that national minorities will not be created within the boundaries of the Greek territory". Of a similar spirit was also the commentary in N. (23/7) "All the Albanian illegal immigrants in our country are not ‘Mafiosi’ as the latter constitute an insignificant minority... The thousands upon thousands of Albanians who toil for a day’s wages of four or five thousand drachmas, far from being criminals, they are the most frequent victims of their ‘Mafiosi’ fellow-countrymen."

In its entirety, the Greek press presents without any comments the "sweep" operations carried out by the Greek police against the Albanian illegal immigrants, a fact which means a tacit acceptance. An exception to this is El. which, usually, appears to be more sensitive on such issues, but also K. "Do the blind ‘sweep’ operations, for example, serve something essential? Or is it that their main effect is to offer satisfaction to the more narrow-minded and full of xenophobic complexes elements of some state officials? Does the fact that Albanian ‘Mafiosi’ steal cattle from Greek shepherds there, near the (unguarded) borders, ‘logically’ lead things to the Albanians being ‘cooped up’ in the center of Athens? Is this part of the methods used by a modern Democracy? And are the Greek-Albanian borders ...better protected in this way?" (K. 25/7). "The ‘sweep-operations’ and the other police measures yield no results, if these are not preceded by political decisions and measures of social sensitivity for the working people... Nothing can justify the hysteria, the anathemas and the generalizations which lead to inhuman ‘sweep-operations’, to manhandling and to barbarous behaviors." (El. 22/7). "The sweep-operations against the Albanian illegal immigrants are an unacceptable, racist and provocative action. They are carried out also in order to consolidate a more general climate of terrorism which offends all the people. A characteristic example is the raid into the underground station by thugs armed with clubs, the searches also on Greek citizens, as well as the arrests by the Security Police of two cadres of the Communist Party of Greece in Piraeus (El. 25/7). Two days earlier (23/7), El. had also published the press release issued jointly by the Greek Helsinki Monitor and the Albanian Helsinki Committee in protest against these operations.

With regard to the correlation between illegal immigrants and criminality (which the Greek mass media attributes, primarily, to the Albanians), El. (27/7) quotes the views of the deputy minister for Foreign Affairs, G. Papandreou: "I believe that it is very easy to look for scapegoats and say that the Albanians are to blame. Criminality did exist and is still existing in our country and it shows an aggravation due to the ‘benefits’ drawn from those who are illegally in our country, whether they are called Albanians or anything else. If we refer to drug-trafficking, behind this phenomenon there are Greeks too, who traffic drugs - these are the big Mafiosi! Therefore, it is wrong to say ‘we have found the solution to criminality, drive the Albanians out’". In an attempt to give a reply to the multitude of articles in relation to the raids of Albanian Mafiosi to the Greek countryside, K. (27/7) reports: "The gangs of the Albanians are in Athens". The newspaper maintains that "the problems in the villages are caused by persons in the margin, under the influence of alcohol and drugs", while it quotes also some very different (than the established) views from inhabitants at the borderline area. "‘We do not go out of the village any more, we are afraid, you do not know what is awaiting you at night’, says P. Kafantaridis in Inoi. In the village, no incident has ever occurred nor anybody has ever been disturbed by the Albanians. ‘It is true that they have not harmed us, but with all the things that we see on television, is it possible not to be afraid?’ (...) ‘For God’s sake, we are not in a state of war with the Albanians here at the borders, nor are we standing with our fingers on the trigger’, protests I. Lithoksopoulos at Dipotamia, the village where the most severe incidents have taken place."

With regard to the issues of religious freedoms, the majority of the Greek newspapers (23 & 24/7) refer to the State Department report, without making any further comments on the conclusions. However, the standard tactic is again followed, that of quoting those particulars referring to Greece together with the findings of the report on Turkey. The fact that the latter includes the ‘sensitive’ issues of the Orthodox Greeks in Constantinople and of the Patriarchate, stirs the interest of the Greek readers. The impression created shows Greece as the winner in the comparison between the two countries and, at the same time, intensifies the negative stereotypes with regard to the Turks. "The image of a country which obstructs the existence and unhindered function of other religious doctrines apart from Orthodoxy, is given for Greece by the State Department’s report on the protection of religious freedom, which was released to publicity yesterday by the Assistant Secretary of the State Department John Satuck. The report makes repeated references to difficulties faced by the Jehovah Witnesses and holds that the representatives of the Catholic Church and the Greek-Jewish community have reacted against the passing of taxation acts which will deal blows to the non-orthodox churches. With regard to Turkey, the report stresses the attacks against the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the surveillance by the authorities of the activity of the Orthodox churches and the non re-opening of the Theological School in Chalki" (A.T. 24/7). Characteristic is also the headline/comment in Ex. (25/7) which lays a particular emphasis on the case of the Macedonian priest Tsarknias, in contrast to the majority of all the other publications which deliberately suppress the issue. "What the State Department’s Report mentions on Greece-Turkey: A ‘Macedonian’ Orthodox Church is discovered by the USA in Greece". In commenting negatively on the initiatives taken by the local council member M. Damanaki with regard to the erection of a mosque in Athens, Ap. (21/7) notes: "She abandoned all hope and when she realized that as an Athens local council member she passes unnoticed in the crowd, M. Damanaki is now out to make her name historical among the Muslim workers in Athens, and she promises continuously that she will make everything possible to have ...a mosque erected in Athens... We hope that during her next visit to those areas Mrs. Damanaki will not be wearing a yashmak (Veil)...".

Albania and the Albanians

As expected, the results of the Albanian elections and the future they prescribe for the further development of the country occupy particularly the Greek press also this month. The comments and interpretations vary. In general lines, the pro-government newspapers show satisfaction and relief with regard to the outcome of the elections, the removal of President Berisha from power, and the support given by the Greek government to the triumphant victor of the election. The opposition press is more reserved and lays greater emphasis on the problems which will have to be dealt with by the new governmental form of the country. "Under conditions of absolute chaos and complete disintegration, the Albanian voters managed to send a loud message to President S. Berisha. The victory of the socialists on Sunday’s elections touches upon the limits of triumph. The country can now hope for a gradual restoration of order, although a basic precondition for such a thing is the resignation without any delay of S. Berisha" (K. 4/7). "The elections have taken place in Albania. The socialists - former communists- of F. Nano achieved a sweeping victory. This time last year, a sweeping victory had been achieved by the Democratic Party of president S. Berisha, even though under conditions of fraud. The mass shift of the Albanians shows that the people in this country either do not have any orientation or they do not know what they want or even that they are pawns of those who shape, each time, the "suitable" political climate. In any case, this time, with democratic methods, the power is taken by the socialists, who have a better knowledge of the administration and more probabilities to succeed" (Ap. 1/7). "However, it will take efforts to consolidate democracy. For, as is known to everybody, Albania is deprived not only of what in other countries is self-evident and basic with regard to democratic political institutions as well as infrastructure of the economy. Until yesterday it was in the whirlpool of civil war conflicts, corruption and terrorism..." (N. 1/7). "I am impressed by the euphoria with which the Greek public opinion welcomed Nano’s victory. The socialist leader is no more "philhellene" than Berisha. And, finally, the stand of whichever Albanian government towards the minority and towards Greece is also determined by the dynamics of the Greek foreign policy which, until now, has been characterized by retractions and contradictions. Albania, a country without any democratic tradition, has not solved its problem with the elections. On the contrary, now a painful course begins for the reconstruction, with an uncertain outcome" (Ap. 6/7).

The role played by the uprising of the Albanian people in the overthrow of the political situation of the country is often presented with praising comments, and alternatively an image is shown which is different than that of the familiar stereotype of the "Albanian Mafioso criminal". "The only thing which escapes those who celebrate for the condemnation of Berisha (and of his policy and apparatuses) is the fact that this popular condemnation would not have been possible, in the elections of last Sunday, if it had not been preceded by the magnificent popular uprising of the Albanian people. An uprising which has frightened many people. An uprising which was scoffed at, greatly slandered, vilified and against which those who criticized it, have thrown an anathema engendered by their fear less it becomes a ‘bad example’ for the other Balkan peoples too..." (Eth. 5/7).

In relation to the role played by the party of the Greek minority in Southern Albania and on the occasion of the election results, K. (1/7) remarks: "In the party of the Greeks there was always a hermaphrodite situation, because invariably it limited the problems of the Albanian society to the problems of the minority. Through the March uprising, the Albanians raised the more general problems of this country: those of the oppression against all (and not only against the Greeks), of the development after socialism and of the co-existence and not only with the Greek minority. On all three problems, the answers given by the formation of the Greeks were ‘national answers’. Only the Orthodox Church in Albania was able to give all-embracing answers to the problems confronting all the citizens of that country. This is the reason why it was the only one - strange as it may seem- which prevailed over Berisha’s regime at a referendum". In addition to other things, El. (6/7) attributes the low percentages of the party also "to the badly staged, as it was characterized by everybody, kidnapping of the ex-president of Omonia, Th. Bezianis" something which, according to the newspaper, "was the last straw for the Greek Epirotes from the North. The daughter, K. Beziani, was a candidate of the party of Human Rights in Sarande and received 1,300 votes in a total of 12,500 voters - she was literally smashed. It was a tacit reply given by the Epirotes from the North." The case of the kidnapping was presented by the entirety of the Greek press, as a result of the efforts by Albanian gangs to blackmail and intimidate the Greek minority in view of the elections. El. was the only newspaper which, openly and despite the reactions raised, (El. 20/7) speaks about a staged kidnapping, and participates together with K. in an effort to demystify Omonia and present the facts in a more objective manner.

In an article in El. (16/7) with the headline: "Conflict Berisha-Nano about the minority", statements by the two leaders are compared, in relation to the status of the Greek minority in Albania. "The socialist leader stated ‘that a praiseworthy Greek minority lives in Albania, which Berisha tried to put in a ghetto’". The newspaper also presents, without any comments, Berisha’s reply to all the above. "He accuses F. Nano that, when he speaks about a ghetto ‘he does not defend but offends severely the minority with regard to its living together with the Albanians, as much as he offends the Albanian nation which has shown an understanding and a spirit of conciliation, and had harmonious relations with it’". It is absolutely reasonable that the Greek minority and its future should engage the special attention of the Athens press. However, the sensitivity shown on several occasions does not allow an objective assessment of the events. The assassination of an employee of the Greek Consulate in Gjirokastra is presented initially as an Albanian "provocation" (A.T. 1/7); and, later, it is established that it was an internal settling of accounts between the Greek employees of the Consulate (El. 6/7).

Despite any optimism that may exist with regard to the future, Albania’s picture remains, basically, the same as that of the recent months. "The country does not have any time margins. With Berisha’s regime, five years of ‘open society’ have been literally lost, the infrastructure is antique, the mentality of the people sees capitalism as synonymous with robbery, plunder and ‘cazinos’; after fifty years of isolationism, Albania has remained what it was, a country where its elite receives stimuli only from Albania" (K. 13/7). Emphasis is also laid on the issue of the economic crisis which torments the country, and this for two reasons: it was the economic collapse which set off the change in the political affairs of the country and, consequently, any development in the economy of Albania is expected to greatly influence the stabilization of the situation. The second reason is related to the interest of the Greek entrepreneurs to invest in the country and Greece’s need to penetrate Albania economically. The situation in the country is described as exceptionally bad, whilst the expressions used in order to demonstrate the magnitude of the economic collapse are characteristic. The term "poor-house of Europe" (Ex. 4/7) does not leave any room for doubting that "the economy of Albania looks at present like a shipwreck" (Ex. 4/7).

But, also, the picture of the Albanians does not show any particular differentiation in relation to that of the previous months. The stereotyped image of the Albanian Mafioso criminal, an image familiar to the Greek readers, is repeated again this month and, moreover, with a particular stress. Many incidents at the Greek border have contributed to cultivating a negatively charged climate towards the Albanians. It is characteristic that, this month, the majority of the Greek press limit themselves only to this image and, at certain times, they use harsh and exaggerated expressions. "Fear and terror by the Albanian Mafia. Illegal immigrants kill, rob, steal, kidnap undisturbed..." (Ap. 18/7). "Albanian charge from Kastoria down to Crete!.." (E.T. 21/7). "People were reaping their crops at a village in Kastoria. Albanian bumps, armed to the teeth, arrested them, kidnapped them to Albania and asked for ransom in order to let them free! In what country of the civilized world can such unobstructed invasions take place by bandits who steal, kidnap, kill defenseless citizens, and where nobody reacts? What country will accept to be treated as a state of clouts by some tens or hundreds of Albanian scoundrels (we have written this in the past and without any racist spirit: There is no worse tribe, no filthier people than the Albanians). Who is going to smash these unhesitating goat thieves and bandits, who became insolent only because there is no reaction?" (Ap. 22/7). An indication, however, of the role played by the Greek mass media in the cultivation of a climate of Albanophobia is also the following extract: "G. Milvanos has been living for more than forty years on the seashore of Kassiopi exactly opposite the Sarande port. ‘Here in Kassiopi they have not hit us. Nor have they stolen any crafts. There is only the problem of the illegal immigrants. Of course, during the early summer months, with all the things we heard, we were quite afraid. But nothing terrible happened’, he says and continues, ‘you know, the events were ‘blown up’ also by the television...’" (Ap. 21/7).

Bulgaria and the Bulgarians

Scant are the articles on Bulgaria this month. The political interest is centered on the visit of the Bulgarian President to Athens. The event as well as the climate of the meeting are described as positive. The comment in the following headline is typical of the change in spirit which has occurred in the relations of the two countries. "Stoyanov is arriving in Athens today, after eight years, a Bulgarian President visits Greece officially" (Ex. 2/7).

However, the news transmitted by the news agencies, that the Bulgarian President raised the issue of a Bulgarian minority in Greece, seems to cause negative concern to the entirety of the Greek press. The issue is presented sufficiently and, moreover, on many occasions, it forms the headlines of the articles. "There is no Bulgarian minority in Greece" (Ap. 3/7). "The Bulgarian delegation assured the Greek government that the Bulgarian President never raised an issue about a ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Greece as was initially reported by the press agencies" (Ex. 3/7).

Also the Bulgarian seasonal immigrants in Greece seem to attract the attention even of a small part of the Greek press. "A storm of reactions will break out in Greece and particularly among the unemployed Epirotes of the North, the news is confirmed, that the embassy of Greece in Sofia will begin to receive applications by unemployed Bulgarians who are interested in coming to Greece for six or three months to work in the gathering of peaches in the areas where there is a large production... However, already unemployment stands at the same percentages in our country too, and reactions are expected by the local people in the areas where there are large cultivations and where this will be considered as a blow against wages which already suffer on account of the Albanians, the ‘Pontic Russians’ and the Gypsies’ (A.T. 14/7).

Macedonia and the Macedonians

Despite the bilateral political problems between Greece and Macedonia and the points of friction like the issues of the name and the Macedonian minority, the Greek press "sees" Macedonia as the only country in the Balkans with which a closer economic co-operation is feasible, and Greece as the only country which the neighboring "statelet" can lean upon. The above perception of Macedonia by the Greek press creates (at a primary level) and consolidates (at a secondary level) a feeling of superiority on the part of Greece as against the neighboring, unnamed, republic. This schema of perceiving the neighbors entails also cultivating the impression that the latter need Greece and, consequently, they should feel obliged and grateful for the existence of the Greeks. From the articles published, it is evident that this feeling of superiority stems from the size of Greece, its economic development as well as its history in the area. "The implacable chauvinists in Skopje have understood the ‘trick’ well, namely, that Greece will never again accept them - even if geographically- as Macedonians and it will not recognize them no matter how much they ‘flop about’. What good is it to them even if they get recognized by the USA, if Greece does not accept them... Let alone the fact that they are neighboring with states (Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria) not simply hostile but which, moreover, have governments which will continuously be scheming against them. Because, the issue of the Albanian minority will not remain untouched, whilst the Serbians who live in Skopje are dissatisfied, and the Bulgarians never forget that the so-called ‘Slavomacedonians’ are simply of a Bulgarian origin (as is also Gligorov himself), and the language they speak has a greater resemblance to the Bulgarian language. Therefore, there will be a sh... situation sooner or later there too!..." (A.T. 7/7). "Since the period of the ‘embargo’, the people in the small statelet of Skopje have understood that the development of the economy, stability and peace, pass only via Greece. They have understood well also their neighbors (Bulgarians, Montenegrins, Albanians, Serbs) as well as all the others who promise - like the Americans- only big words. Skopje and its political parties should not forget this!" (A.T. 2/7) "Northern Epirus remained a hostage in the cold-war game, as, for that matter, was Tito’s enslaved Macedonia (Gligorov’s present-day Skopje) which was set up in 1945 through the collusion of the late marshal Tito and the English agents in the Middle East..." (E.T. 2/7). "However, see how the so-called ‘Macedonian people’ behaved, also according to the account of Vukmanovic Tempo, when the Bulgarian fascists entered Skopje in 1941: ‘They were greeted as liberators by the greater part of the population, even by certain ‘antifascist circles’. And ever since these circles believed that their country had been ‘liberated’, they have started fighting against the Bulgarians for their social rather than national rights’, (all the texts from: The Expansionist Policy of Skopje, IMXA, 1993). This [is mentioned] so that the Skopjans will not sell that they participated in the resistance of the peoples against Hitler" ("A Reply to Kiro Gligorov", S. Papathemelis, V. 6/7).

The Greek press presents the incident in the Prado Museum between an employee and the wife of President K. Gligorov as an anecdote and with some malice. "Aha! Mrs. Gligorov and her suite have had it, when they went to visit the famous ‘Prado’ Museum in Madrid, in the fringe of the NATO summit meeting. Well then, at the entrance of the museum, the lady employee asks them: Where do you come from? From Macedonia, a member of Mrs. Gligorov suite rushes to reply. Ah, are you from Greece? the employee in the museum comments innocently" (N. 10/7).

Although the issue of the name has now acquired secondary interest, it continues to occupy the Greek publications. Moreover, on the occasion of the holding of the Pan-Macedonian conference, the issue comes again to the forefront with the projection of the positions of the Greek Macedonians in diaspora. "The recognition of Skopje with the name Macedonia or its derivatives undermines our existence and our efforts in our societies in various places as emigrant Macedonians. We express our concern on the situation and the human rights of the Greek minority in Skopje and we call upon the government, on the one hand to claim these rights internationally, and on the other hand to take all the appropriate measures for strengthening and protecting this minority" (El. 24/7).

The internal problems of "balances" between the various ethnic groups in Macedonia particularly occupy the Greek press which, moreover, often evokes articles from the foreign press, in order to give a more global picture of the probable repercussions on the Balkans and in Greece in particular. The issue is related also to the Macedonian minority in Greece. "The ghosts are awakening in Skopje for the ‘Economist’ which comments on the recent conflicts in the statelet of Gligorov between the Albanian speaking people and the police, but it also raises an issue about a ‘Macedonian minority’ in Greece. ‘An increase of the Albanian nationalism together with a revival of Islam (most Albanians are Muslim) has created the preconditions to give rise, within the Slav majority in Macedonia, to a reverse nationalism, and now some people ask for a ‘greater Macedonia’ which will include the Macedonian minorities in Greece, Albania and Bulgaria’, writes the Economist. The magazine considers that ‘Macedonia’, as it names it, ‘has been divided after the Balkan war of 1913 among Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia’ and adds that it is still surrounded by predatory neighbors" (E.T. 26/7). Therefore, it is evident that, as time goes by, the statelet of Skopje will be facing more and more internal problems at the expense of its political stability which, since its formation, has always been shaky" (Ap. 15/7).

But also the balance in the relations between Macedonia and Bulgaria, around the main axis which is the Bulgarian minority in Macedonia, does not go unnoticed by the Greek press. "A significant sensation has been produced in Sofia by K. Gligorov’s recent statements on the Skopje television, regarding the elimination of the pro-Bulgarian positions in his country. A great importance is given` to this by the Bulgarian press too" (Ex. 25/7). The headline given to the above commentary is typical: "The Bulgarians of the F.Y.R.O.M. have been assimilated, says Gligorov".

Romania and the Romanians

Romania is characterized by Ex. (7/7) as a "Balkan oasis" for the Greek entrepreneurs, while it comments: "For the Greeks, Romania has developed into one of the best - if not the best- markets in the Balkans. This fact is attributed to the political stability, compared of course to the rest of the area, but primarily to the recent favorable amendment in the legislation on investments". After making an extensive reference to all the countries in the Balkan zone, V. (27/7) recognizes "Romania and Bulgaria" "as the only note of optimism in the area" among the "delayed-action bombs in the Balkans".

At the antipode of all the aforementioned on the stability in Romania, K. (26/7) touches upon the issue of the Hungarian minority in the country, making the following comment: "The relative improvement in the relations between the two countries in the recent months is characterized as fictitious, and in the opinion of Western experts, a small excuse would be sufficient to lead to a new crisis".

Serbia and the Serbs

Although limited in powers, the new post of S. Milosevic is evaluated as "the new Milosevic beginning" (Ex. 24/7) which will allow the former President of Serbia to take control of the political affairs in the country. "The strings of political life in Serbia are still being pulled by Slobodan Milosevic who keeps for himself the role of the absolute ruler" (Ex. 26/7).

The Greek press appears to be positively disposed towards the request for "a full support to Belgrade in order for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to re-enter the international community" (K. 2/7), and towards the government’s initiatives for a further improvement in the relations between the two countries.

The economic crisis which torments the country comes to the forefront also this month. The issue occupies the pages on economy and is correlated with the perspectives for investments in the neighboring country. "Poverty, a scourge for three million Yugoslavs. The increasingly rising unemployment, number one problem" (Ex. 24/7).

Turkey and the Turks

The Madrid Agreement signed between Greece and Turkey in the framework of the NATO summit meeting monopolizes the interest of the Greek press this month. The agreement constitutes a surprise for the Greek reporters who, in their majority, consider it to be a product of secret diplomacy and pressure on the part of the USA The commentaries vary and the reactions are diversified on the basis of the principal criterion which is the position of the newspaper in the political game for power. In this case, it is of particular importance whether the newspaper is an opposition or a pro-government newspaper. Before the meeting, no newspaper had anticipated any signing of any agreement between the two countries. "The meeting which Messrs. Simitis and Yilmaz will have during NATO’s Summit Meeting which starts today in Madrid, while by its subject it cannot influence the development of the Greek-Turkish relations, it offers the ‘allies’ an illusion or arguments to the effect that these relations are improving" (Ap. 7/7).

In general lines (and this does not mean that there are no differentiation), the opposition press stands against the agreement and criticizes the initiatives taken by the government on the Greek-Turkish issues. Reference is made to a "disorderly retreat" by Greece in Madrid" (E.T. 13/7) but also to a "starting-point for joint-rule in the Aegean Sea" (A.P. 13/7). "The Madrid Agreement does not serve the Greek interests, and, with this paper, Greece will soon find itself before some reefs... Turkey’s ulterior purpose is the conquest of an island or islands in the Eastern Aegean Sea" (general D. Skarvelis, E.T. 20/7). "The Simitis government has placed a time-bomb in the Agean Sea!" (Wing-commander N. Kouris, E.T. 20/7). "A ‘relinquishing’ from a threat to violence is exchanged with the mortgaging of a vested right. But a relinquishment from violence, or from the threat to violence, is neither retreat nor concession. It is a given obligation towards the international community by binding rules of international conventions and practices" (N. 11/7).

On the occasion of all this discussion about the agreement, the familiar picture of Turkey is reproduced, as it has been outlined by the Greek press in the recent years. "It is a country basically Asiatic, Muslim, with an anti-democratic regime, with serious problems, with the large Kurdish minority, economically underdeveloped, aggressive if we are to judge from the invasion in Cyprus and the routine war operations inside Iraq. By means of the Madrid Agreement, this country secured the ticket to the European Union" (E.T. 13/7). "The political-military establishment may have put on a European cloak, but this country still conceals within it deep remnants of authoritarianism which pass on ‘by the grace of God’ to all forms of power. Without forgetting the behavior against the Greek community in the past, now we see the bloody repression against the uprisings in the Turkish prisons, the compulsory desolation of the Kurdish villages and the vulgar treatment to the Kurdish minority. The Turkish state has not as yet shown the necessary respect towards its citizens, so that it can be included in the society of the dignified countries. It ought to implement at last the fundamental human rights inside the country, otherwise it will have to always resort to favors for the powerful ones" (N. 19/7). "We have given to the Erbakan government, we are giving more to the Yilmaz government, perhaps we will be asked to give even more in anticipation of the Turkish elections... The endless concessions to the detriment of our national interests are now presented as a stabilizing factor for the political system of Turkey!" (E.T. 20/7).

On the antipode of all the above, the pro-government press, while preserving its reservations with regard to the Madrid Agreement, seems to be disposed more positively. "It is crystal clear that, in order to have peace and communication, on the one hand, we must persuade Turkey that we consider our national integration accomplished, on the other hand Turkey must persuade us that it will not attempt to reverse all that has taken place during the last two hundred years. If there is a mutual trust with regard to these things, an understanding as to what the other party is afraid of, all the rest can be dealt with" (V. 13/7). "The recent reactions raised by the opposition parties in Greece but also by circles in the government itself, should not necessarily be considered as negative. However, they expressed hesitations and queries which have their source in the experience of our post-war relations with Turkey, from the pogroms against the Greeks in Poli [Constantinople] up to the Cyprus ‘Attila’ and the systematic provocations by the Turkish warships and aircraft in the Aegean Sea" (V. 13/7). "But why the interpretation which is given is that these points of the agreement are only in favor of Turkey, whereas the same points, and more, apply also to Greece? It is clear that there is a misunderstanding with regard to the evaluation of a general text on principles, caused by excessive mistrust and lack of cool-headedness. By the discussion in the Cabinet it has become perceived, it seems, that the Madrid Agreement is a positive development. Besides, the majority of the political world also considered the text as positive, while they expressed reservations not on the essence but on the further development" (El. 13/7). K. (13/7) wonders about the future of the Madrid Agreement pointing out that the Agreement is a development in the relations of the two countries, "a development which was not desired by the those who expressed the established tendencies in the two countries".

The change on the political scene of Turkey is presented as a result of the pressure exerted by the military on the Erbakan government and is characterized as a kind of a tacit coup d’etat. The political analyses in the articles refer to the lack of any real democratic tradition in the country and to a semblance of democracy. "The good of democracy is unknown in our neighboring country in the sense that it is understood by us. Since 1923, the Turks have always been enjoying a democracy of the tanks or a democracy under the guardianship of the military" (Ap. 20/7). "All right, we are all part of the trick. It is not necessary for Yilmaz to challenge our intelligence by claiming that his government ‘will be promoting the values of democracy and freedom’..." (N. 3/7). Moreover, as a typical example of the caricature of democracy in the neighboring country, Eth. (25/7) reports: "Forty-eight Turk policemen snapped their fingers at the Ankara government and Prime Minister Messout Yilmaz! They defied warrants for their arrest and writs of summons, and they disdained to appear in court which was charging them with the assassination of the left-wing journalist Metin Gokepe, in Afion Karahishar last year".

The internal problems and the increasingly intensifying conflict between the Islamists and the new government are presented by the Greek press as a consequence of the confusion prevailing in the country with regard to its orientation and identity. The newspapers present the issue in this light without taking a position for the one or the other side and, at any rate, none of them appears to sympathize with the right of the Islamists to free expression, not even from the standpoint of Human Rights. Moreover, on the occasion of the violent events in Constantinople and the protest manifestations, they speak about "an internal crisis" (Ex. 30/7) and "knives in Turkey" (N. 31/7).

In the context of the presentation of Turkey’s "bad self", one can also include the manner in which the Greek press covers the honorary prize given in Constantinople to P. Dimitras, representative of the Greek Helsinki Monitor on Human Rights. Based on the Athens News Agency (which in turn was mistakenly based on a report in the Turkish newspaper Hurriet), the Greek newspapers reported a violent incident during the ceremony, because of the excessive sensitivity shown by Turkey on the slightest reference related to the violation of human rights in its territory. Moreover, the Greek opposition press avails of this opportunity to be gloatingly ironic at P. Dimitras about the views which, at times, he has expressed on the Turkish minority in Greece. The following headlines/comments are also typical: "His friends, the Turks" (E.T. 29/7), "He was kicked out violently by those who ...rewarded him" (Ap. 29/7). It should be noted that when the Greek Helsinki Watch sent a press release to all the newspapers repudiating the event and attributing responsibilities to the Athens News Agency, only El. (31/7) mentioned the matter.

The issue of the entry of Turkey into the European Union is particularly important for the Greek press. It is evident that the majority cannot stand the idea of the full entry of Turkey, also for reasons related to the internal security and the status of the minority in Thrace. "We cannot accept a free movement - as it will inevitably be the case - of Asiatic and semi-barbarian populations, even if it is in the form of cheap workforce from Anatolia to the Greek islands and also to the Greek hinterland, something which will result in a gradual change of the native population to the extent that the other peoples will be informed about Greece from school or from historical books" (A.T. 15/7). "Turkey has to cover a long distance before it reaches the level of democracy in the European countries, particularly if it wants to press on with its entry into the EU." (E.T. 20/7).

The image of a "barbarian and uncivilized" country is repeated on every occasion and opportunity as, evidently, the Greek press wants to demonstrate the complete contrast between Greece and Turkey with regard to the status of human rights and the tradition of democracy. "The barbarism of ‘Attilas’ was revealed yesterday also in occupied Kythrea, where the instruments of Ankara and Denktash pillaged, burnt down or transformed into mosques the six churches. The hideous crime against civilization was denounced with a document sent to the United Nations, Britain, the European Court and other international organizations, by the Cultural Movement of the Kythrea area". On the occasion of the discussion on the future of Aghia Sophia in Trapezounda, El. (9/7) wonders: "A mosque, a museum or a church?", maintaining that "the turning of the Greek monuments of Pontos, Ionia and Eastern Thrace into Turkish, constitutes an extreme act of cultural imperialism". Characteristic is also the following commentary: "No, I do not believe in agreements with the Turks. Neither can I ever accept that Constantinople is Turkish. As far as the depths of Asia Minor, the marble columns speak Greek. What can you speak of and what can you agree on with these hordes who defile with their presence the most beautiful Greeces, Ionia of the philosophers and poets, Pontos, the sea [thalatta-thalatta] of the myriads..." (A.T. 10/7). We should, however, point out that, corresponding cases showing lack of respect towards the past of the Turkish Domination of the Greek land, far from being considered "barbarian", they are completely suppressed by the Greek press, with minimal exceptions to the rule. Characteristic is the article in El. (31/7) in connection with the reactions by a local council member against the renovation of the "Tarshi hamam (baths)" in Mytilene. "The Turkish monuments - he said- should not be renovated and should not keep their names, because, in this way, they preserve Turkish civilization".

Typical as to how the "barbarian image" of Turkey is perceived and accepted by the Greeks, is a text by P. Boukalas in K. (20/7). "Before we even began to be taught history, the state-made version of history anyway, before we even decided as Olymbiakos fans that our eternal enemy is Panathinaikos fans (and vice-versa) we have been seized by the unshakable conviction that our eternal national enemy is the Turks, despite the fact that much more often we used to hear about the - fresh as yet - evils inflicted by the Germans and the Italians. (...) I have seen some illustrated material which was advertising a ‘Publication of National Significance for every home’. The title of the publication (rather expected but not less improper) ‘Liberty or death’. The content? Thirty two miniatures, thirty two chess-pieces made of ‘English tin’. And what were the figures which were lending the collection merchandise its rather vulgar ‘national’ significance? I copy: "The pawns of the game bring back to life, in marvelous miniatures, the heroic fighters of the Greek Revolution on the one hand, and, on the other, the frightful armies of the Ottoman Empire of Sultan Mahmud II".

With an article entitled "Singing for peace", El. (15/7) greets the joint manifestations held by Greeks and Turks in Pergamos. "The planting of a wild olive by the prefect of Lesbos and the mayor of Pergamos at the most central place of the Turkish city in the late afternoon on Sunday, and the reminder that ‘in order for this tree of peace to bear fruit, grafting is required, namely, much work’, concluded the two-day joint manifestations by Greeks and Turks".