FEBRUARY 1998 Monitoring

* The Turkish [and not Muslim] Western Thrace Advisory Committee causes a lot of reactions. The right to self-determination is not even raised. * Vegora and Aghios Panteleimonas claim the primacy of national spirit together with a few acres of land, which is a shift away from the real problem of the area, from the history of Greek political practice. * Concealed anti-Semitism at the forefront. * Fears of new deviations in Albania. Stories about the sinful past of S. Berisha and his country. * The economic crisis in Bulgaria. * The ‘yellow press’, Macedonia and the Macedonian question. * The interest in the political situation in Romania is from non-existent to minimal. * Political and economical upheaval in Serbia. S. Milosevic, Kosovo and Montenegro are the protagonists. * Turkey - the eternal enemy.

Internal minorities

E.T. (10/2) criticizes the State Department report on Human Rights, but for the first time it does not comment on the Report’s essence. This is so because the newspaper enjoyed the State Department’s indirect defense in relation to the prosecution against its journalists by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Th. Pangalos. He charged them with espionage and publishing secret documents of the Greek State. This event was included in the report as obstruction to the free practice of the journalistic profession and to the freedom of the press. The subsequent State Department’s fallback in relation to the aforementioned, ends the ‘tacit’ truce of the newspaper and of its temporary ‘pro-Americanism.’ "Yesterday’s unprecedented corrective statement by the State Department did not pertain, as it would be expected, to the well-known inaccuracies which are included every year in the Report regarding ‘50,000 Slavo-Macedonians in Northern Greece’ or regarding ‘the repression of the Muslim minority in Thrace’, but Mr. Minister’s personal problem". "Mr. Pangalos - who happens to be Minister of Foreign Affairs - was not disturbed by the insulting for Greece references to the so-called Slavo-Macedonians and to the minority in Thrace." It is evident from the above extracts, that criticism returns to the well-known pattern and characterizes as ‘inaccuracies’ official positions in relation to the Turkish and Macedonian minorities in Greece which, at times, have been supported by many governmental bodies and organizations.

The above mentioned fallback came about after the clarification on the part of the US Embassy, which referred to "a technical error." It is true, of course, that the two journalists of the E.T. newspaper were prosecuted in mid-1997 "on several criminal charges (including also those which pertain to espionage for publishing classified government documents)." However, they have not been found guilty as has been maintained in the report. Instead, "a high bail (2 million drachmas)" was imposed upon them "as well as prohibition to leave the country, on the basis of the ‘evident proof of guilt.’" E.T. (10/2), K. (10/2) and El. (11/2) present the explication in such a manner that the readers get the impression that the State Department has retracted the report itself and not simply the assertion that the aforesaid journalists were considered guilty. Thus the newspapers make indirect insinuations on the credibility of the specific report.

Three Turkish minority MPs and their ‘Western Thrace Turks’ Advisory Committee’ become active, thus taking on a special dimension. Their proclaimed aim is to present, as best as possible, the positions and the problems of the minority. The entire press is in direct harmony with the Greek political practice, which traditionally does not recognize any ethnic groups in the Greek State and accepts the existence only and exclusively of religious differences among the Greek citizens. This is true even of -including El., which usually has a more careful and moderate attitude to minority issues. As far as El. is concerned, one could maintain that its case is of exceptional interest. The alternative (anti-nationalist, anti-xenophobic) messages which are passed to Greek readers via the articles of the ‘Ios’ group, are negatively counterbalanced by the ‘retrogressive strides’ of the newspaper, in favor of a more ‘politically correct’ line with regard to sensitive national questions. It is within this context that one should see the presence of a press comment referring to the two Turkish minority MPs, Galip Galip and Birol Akifoglou, and the insinuation that they should be expelled from the Greek Parliament and from the parties they represent. This ‘verdict’ is given because they dared support the right of the Turkish minority to self-determination as Turks and not as Muslims:

"The New Democracy Member of Parliament from Xanthi, Akifoglou Birol is on the phone, ‘You made a mistake. I am not the President of the ‘Western Thrace Turks’ Advisory Committee.’ The President is my colleague from PASOK, Galip Galip, MP from the Rhodopes district.’ ‘And what are you?’ ‘Oh, I am a member of the Committee.’ ‘Of the Turks from Western Thrace?’ ‘That’s right!’ ‘Thus, the Speaker of the Greek Parliament is faced with a twofold problem (Birol and Galip). This problem extends also to the President of PASOK and current Prime Minister K. Simitis. As for the mistake, it was made by the undersigned. However, both the President and the member of the ‘Western Thrace Turks’ Advisory Committee’ have the same aims - the ones supported by their ‘Committee.’ And this is the problem." (El. 19/2).

The weekly nationalistic paper ‘Stochos’ (the style of which was similar to that contained in El.), E.T. (which is the largest circulation newspaper of the conservative side) and N. (a pro-governmental newspaper of the center), with all the other papers in between, ignore the internationally recognized right of the minority to self-determination. In contrast to this, the depiction of Turkey, the Turkish Consulate and the members of the minority as ‘demons’ is the rule, rather than the exception. "The three Muslim MPs from Thrace put an end to the ‘grace period’ of the Greek state. They declare in chorus that they are ‘Turks’!" (E.T. 19/2). "PASOK MP, Mr. Galip, was elected President in the Western Thrace Turks’ Highest Advisory Committee! (…) The Western Thrace Turks’ Highest Advisory Committee is considered to be an instrument of the Consulate. Its recent presence in the European Council is characteristic. Its members went there in order to accuse Greece of alleged violation of the rights of the Muslims in Thrace. Similar views have been expressed also to American Congressmen with whom they met in Athens. The strange thing in the whole affair is how they were able to ‘encase’ in this Committee two Members of the Greek Parliament" (N. 19/2). "Western Thrace is being led to the establishment of a de facto Turkish administration. This is so because, while the three Muslim MPs are ‘taking off’ their masks, Greek State functionaries nominate Ankara’s Consul in Komotini as an official deputy in the region" (E.T. 22/2). This line is followed by most of the Greek newspapers (8/10). It confirms the widespread impression of the people who follow closely the minority issues, i.e. that in their great majority, the Greek newspapers lead to misinformation of the public, and adopt exclusively the positions of secret service representatives.

Relevant to the aforementioned is the letter signed by the Directorate of the Research and Study of Hellenism Center that pertains to the decision to repeal Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code. "It is certain that the repealing of this clause will cause enormous national problems. The Turk imperialists will seek to alter the population composition in Thrace through the return of hundreds of thousands of persons who willingly revoked their Greek citizenship" (Eth. 23/2).

One of the scant exceptions in the outcry against the Turkish minority is the comment by an El. journalist in reply (16/2) to an article in the ‘Adesmeftos Typos’ newspaper (15/2). "‘Fear and terror at Gazi’ is represented by those ‘Turks’ who block the streets and dance - if you please - during their feasts. These provocative people have their own cafes too. They have the nerve to exist, to sing and occasionally to look right in the eyes of the ‘Greek minority.’ Thus they are trying to understand why there is so much hatred. This is written in (‘Adesmeftos’ [Typos]), without presenting a single fact of provocative behavior on the part of the Muslims who live at Gazi" (El. 16/2).

The dispute of two neighboring communities in Western Macedonia has also reached frightening dimensions. It pertains to obtaining the acres of land that came about from the desiccation of the Vegoritida Lake. The Vegora community disputes the relevant court decision and claims a larger share in the distribution of the land from the Aghios Panteleimonas community. Their argument is based on a "deficit in the balance-sheet of national spirit" shown by their neighbors. The majority of the inhabitants of the Aghios Panteleimonas community are of Macedonian origin and national consciousness. The ones in Vegora, on the other hand, are refugees from Pontos and have settled down in the greater area of Macedonia, within the framework of an organized settlement plan of various Greek governments, seeking to gradually Hellenize the area. The conflicts between the two communities bring to the surface all the errors of the Greek political practice on minorities. However, the prevalent image and interpretation do not dwell on the problem: "It did not have to do with the sharing of the land. What came to the surface was the unprecedented nationalist and racist exacerbation between the conflicting parties. We are taken back to epochs when the ‘refugees’ were the foreigners, the scapegoats whom we wanted to live in a ghetto, separate from the ‘locals’ and the ‘pure ones.’ However, parallel to this, another outlook was developing, an outlook which wanted the ‘locals’, the ‘Bulgarians’, to be alien people, because they also spoke the Slavic dialect and were, therefore, bilingual, a category of Greek citizens which could be recognized as different. (…) These ‘civil wars’ show tragically how empty (in general) local propaganda regarding the Hellenic nature of Macedonia is. They show that the renowned rallies are sheer bubbles. They also show that the policies of the ‘patriotic’ party and of pure nationalism have foolishly preserved and cultivated sterile nationalism and flagwagging, policies which have aimed (and will be aiming for as long as they exist) at hunting for votes and nothing else" (El. 19/2). The scenarios regarding ‘a foreign arm’ are more interesting for the readers. "As soon as the ‘rain’ stopped in Vegoritida the …snails came out. The comparison [pertains] to ‘Ouranio Toxo’ (‘Rainbow’), the well-known organization which has been established by a handful of loud-mouths who insist consciously or unconsciously to function as mouthpieces for views which could very well be expressed by Gligorov; like those regarding a colonialist policy on the part of the Greek state!!!" (E.T. 19/2). "Everybody knows that the party representatives base their political future on the discriminations of the inhabitants. On the one hand, these are nationally deranged people, and on the other, they are men in the services of Skopje. They hang about the area. Envoys from embassies visit the area too, while the activities of the National Information Service come as a ‘lid’ to top off the stage for a ‘crime’ which is being committed" [(El. 19/2, "‘Foreign’ arm behind the ‘civil war’"]. The concerns on which Greece bases its policy on the Macedonia minority are from non-existent to superficial. "The statement made by G. Soniadis, president of the Vegora Community, to ‘Antena’ were very impressive. He stated that ‘the inhabitants of Aghios Panteleimonas are bilingual, Slavophone, unlike the inhabitants of Vegora who are refugees from Pontos and from Asia Minor" (El. 17/2).

Ms. Divani, journalist for N. writes about the largest minority in Greece, the Roma. (11/2) "The History and Sociology textbooks ignore them and, for 120 years, the official state has stubbornly refused to give them Greek Citizenship (they got it only in 1955)".

The "concealed anti-Semitic" sentiments of the Greek society come to the forefront again. They are provoked by the anti-Semitic statements of the well-known Greek singer and composer S. Kazantzidis, statements which are projected neutrally and without any critical comments by the mass media. [S. Kazantzidis attacks the composer N. Nicolopoulos before the Greek Justice by calling him "an agent of the Jews" and by referring, at the same time, to a Jewish conspiracy meddling with Greek songs. These statements were projected by all mass media (print and electronic). Moreover, they gave rise to a reaction of the Central Israeli Council (14/2)]. There are just a few exceptions. The first one is a letter to the press written by the well-known Greek composer M. Theodorakis (16/2). The letter indirectly attacks some journalists, politicians and intellectuals and condemns the complete absence of reactions regarding the statements made by singer S. Kazantzidis. Although the letter does not mention specific individuals, it is evident that its addressee is public opinion and then the aforementioned singer. The phrase used by M. Theodorakis in order to demonstrate the magnitude of responsibilities of the public vis-a-vis phenomena like racism and xenophobia is characteristic: "At certain moments, silence means complicity." Most of the Greek media simply content themselves with quoting, not only from the said letter but also from that of the Central Israeli Council without any further comments. The only negative comment is presented in E.T.’s ironical remarks (14/2) on the occasion of the recent carrying out of a Turkish-Israeli naval exercise. "It is not known what the ambassador of Israel means when he refers to prejudice against Greece (it is rather unlikely that he refers to the propaganda made by a neighboring country with which Israel has formed a military alliance. One is impressed by the fact that in his statement he refers to the extermination of the Jews of Greece, without however adding even one word regarding the efforts made by the Greek people to save them." The following positions are also notable. "(…) For instance [S. Kazantzidis] was unmasked as a ridiculous fanatic, a little man, a genuine anti-Semite" (E. Kotamanidou, (N. 17/2)]. "Thus, even though I am not a Jew, I feel personally offended by this entire barbarous incident. I express my sympathy for our Jewish compatriots for the unwarranted and harsh attack they were ‘showered with’ only because a well-known singer has differences with a record company" [a letter by A. Lambropoulou, (El. 19/2)]. These positions are exceptions which, taken with the results of many opinion polls, confirm the rule of the anti-Semitic, xenophobic and nationalistic inclination of the Greeks. This absence of tolerance towards ‘the other’ is also confirmed by the general tacit tolerance and silent (according to M. Theodorakis) acceptance of the rhetoric of hatred, which would have led to mass reactions in any other European country with a democratic tradition as long as that of Greece. In correlation with all the above is the ‘bitter truth’ of the anti-Semitic past of the Greek society, which sees the light of publicity only to a limited extent. "After 1917 [and the fire which burnt the center of Thessaloniki], the Greek state did not give permission to the Jews to come back and rebuild their property. On the contrary, it compelled them to move to areas far away from the center of the city" (El. 11/2).

New Democracy MP G. Karatzaferis’ non-expulsion from his party, regardless of his extreme right-wing positions, is easily explainable in this broader context. A year ago, the aforesaid MP raised a question in the Greek Parliament evoking the Jewish origin of the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ch. Rozakis, in order to back up his accusations of anti-national foreign policy. In the middle of February 1998, G. Karatzaferis comes back to the extreme right-wing forefront even sharper. While appearing on a private Greek TV channel, he extended an invitation to the nationalist group of ‘Chrysi Avgi’ (‘Golden Dawn’) to join New Democracy. He promised in exchange ministerial posts to members of the organization in the next New Democracy government. The opposition leader and President of New Democracy, K. Karamanlis, expelled six prominent cadres of his party for reasons of party discipline (on the occasion of the vote taken regarding the privatization of public enterprises), while avoiding any essential comments regarding the positions taken by G. Karatzaferis. Apparently, he does not see a serious reason to do that.

The illegal migration, primarily of Albanians, into Greece and its correlation with the rise in criminality attract the attention of the Greek mass media. The reactions concern the government decision to register and legalize all the immigrants who live and work within Greece. The conservative political and journalistic worlds play a leading role. "It is suggestive to point out that in the last seven years 500,000 aliens have entered our country, while the unemployed amount to approximately 550,000. Certainly I do not speak about the Greeks from Albania and from the former Soviet Union. If the present situation continues, some 250,000 young unemployed will be added in the agricultural sector. This situation should be put under control. It is good to be sentimental, but first of all we should see our own unemployed, at least in certain professions and in certain regions" [interview given by the former leader of the party of the opposition, M. Evert, (E.T. 19/2)]. "In the countryside, the population is ‘under Albanian domination’. In some villages in Messinia and even in Lakonia, the inhabitants do not dare come out of their homes when the evening comes. Gangs of Albanians and other burglars steal, beat, dishonor, kill elderly people, young people and children, plunder homes" (E.T. 15/2). "All over Greece and in Akhaia in particular, the Albanians had repeatedly broken into homes. They stole what we have worked for even at a time when they were afraid of arrest and extradition. You can imagine now that they have work permits. Especially in Aegialia, the Albanian immigrants amount to 3,000, while unemployment is high as there are no jobs" (Eth. 23/2). An objection to all the aforesaid comes from the more progressive journalists, who recommend people to be cool-headed and to shed off all racist stereotypes in order to form an overall picture of reality and then proceed with assessments. "For the third consecutive year, the official statistics of the Greek police refutes myths, prejudices and stereotypes which cast criminality exclusively on those aliens who live in Greece. (…) These percentages do not correspond to the image projected by the ‘yellow’ front pages of many newspapers. However, they reveal the racist character of the ‘Albanophobia’ which is being cultivated’" [Avgi, (El. 26/2)].

As a conclusion to all the above, one can present the comment by a K. editor in relation to the stereotyped image which Greeks have for their Balkan neighbors (24/2). "The Albanians, therefore, were characterized collectively as useless and malicious criminals, who don’t have any pride and gratitude. On the contrary, Greeks ‘were born proud’, a girl was saying proudly. From what we understood, this girl was probably a teacher. (…) The Bulgarians are also tailored according to nationalistic patterns. The Turks too. They are a barbarous people. In our naivete we thought that these views regarding the genetic characteristics of peoples are being sucked in the mouth of the older people. However, in the end, racism in not a matter of generation."

Albania and the Albanians

The incidents of violence in the North of Albania and the assessment that these are a last attempt of S. Berisha to come back on the political stage of the country cultivate apprehension and concern regarding the future of neighboring Albania. The extracts that follow are typical, as they express fears of a new crisis in the country, a crisis that is certainly expected to have repercussions on Greece. "There is no better way to ‘celebrate’ the one-year anniversary of the tragic events in Albania, than a repetition of history which is simply a farce. Such a farce seems to be also the repetition of the scenery of violence and unrest which has broken out in the social and political life of the neighboring country" (K. 27/2). "Northern Albania is Hell" (E.T. 24/2).

Albania’s image as "a champion in the production of drugs" (N. 25/2) is among the favorite presentations. "Albania is the …most productive country in Europe regarding drugs and the Number One supplier of Greece (as well as of the other Balkan countries) of hashish. It also remains a significant thoroughfare for drug-trafficking from the Eastern countries" (N. 25/2). "Impressive are the data on the confiscations of hashish, which confirm the public secret that the processed and unprocessed cannabis has inundated the illegal market. Last year, 11 tons and 577 kilos of unprocessed hashish and two tons and 466 kilos of processed hashish were confiscated. The hashish flood is ascribed to the Albanians, who are also burdened with an important percentage of the increase in criminality. (…)90% of the heroin found in our country is trafficked by Albanians who, of course, have the exclusivity of importing of and trafficking in hashish" (Eth. 25/2).

On the occasion of the showing of the film entitled ‘Miroupafsim’ [‘Till We Meet Again’] in the Athens cinemas, the two directors and inspirers of the film -which deals with the Greek-Albanian relations- give their views regarding the image which the average Greek has about the Albanians. "The word ‘Albanians’ in Greece is a degrading word, a word synonymous to worn clothes and worn lives. Omonia is the natural area, ‘thieves’ is the favorite address, and distrust is the usual treatment. They are suitable for low wages, for relieving social racism and at the same time for confirming Greek supremacy" [G. Korras and Ch. Voupouras, (K. 22/2)].

Bulgaria and the Bulgarians

In a particularly critical style, which reminds us of other times, E.T. (22/2) refers to a study carried out by the Macedonian Scientific Institute in Sofia. "Nationalist circles of the neighboring country now raise the issue of ‘human rights’ and ‘national self-determination’ of the ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Macedonia under the appearance of a ‘study’ carried out by the semi-official ‘Macedonian Scientific Institute’ which is based in Sofia" (E.T. 22/2).

The economic crisis, which is ruining the country, is once more at the forefront: "And yet there are still children in the world who celebrate when they manage to secure a loaf of bread. The brief descriptions are not taken from some Third World country, but from a suburb of Sofia in our neighboring Bulgaria" (E.T. 15/2).

Macedonia and the Macedonians

he articles on the ‘unnamed’ neighboring country are scant this month. The ‘freezing’ of the diplomatic initiatives regarding the settlement of the one and only ‘thorny issue’ between the two countries -that of the name- does not offer itself for analyses and comments. In no case does this mean abandonment of the standing Greek demands and ‘Macedonophobic syndromes’. It should be recognized, however, that an important shift has been made by a section of the Greek public in favor of a compromise settlement on this issue. This moderation -compared to the standards of the recent past- is expressed generally by the pro-government press. More and more often, journalists and politicians of the broader center-left side criticize the nationalist hysteria, which has been shown by the Greek side. Thus they assess that the only just solution, in accordance with the internationally recognized right of the peoples to self-determination, is the acceptance of a compromise. [Referring to the recent period of nationalist exacerbation in Greece, ‘Sunday Ios’ (El. 1/2) records a lot of ‘yellow’ articles coming from ‘serious’ newspapers with large circulation (K., V., N., Economikos Tachydromos) on the occasion of the Macedonian question. The following claims are among the many examples of ‘yellow’ quality of the papers: that there are 250,000 Greeks in the neighboring country (K. 1/1/92); that President K. Gligorov is preparing a future military attack on Greece (V. 7/1/93). There are also insulting references to Ms. Karakassidou and her scientific occupation with the Macedonian minority.] For others, peoples’ right to self-determination is pushed to the background in this case. A future compromise is seen as the best of the worst scenarios, since the course which things have taken, due to the inconsiderate Greek handling of the problem, is not the most favorable. Whenever there is an opportunity, however, the ‘Greek nature of Macedonia’ comes back to the forefront. "The Macedonians always insisted on being Greek" (Eth. 6/2).

As usual, there are almost no references to Romania. Some interest is shown to economic issues, to prospects of further economic penetration and cooperation.

Serbia and the Serbs

The profound internal problems of the country, the main axes of which are the political upheavals in Kosovo and in Montenegro (though for different reasons), monopolize the interest of the Greek press. Once again in his political career, S. Milosevic is considered to be the key figure in the case of New Yugoslavia. Kosovo is likely to become the main center of flaring up of the Balkans. However, there is only occasional reference to the issue of the broader autonomy of the region and of a return to the previous status before the abolition of the autonomy by Milosevic in 1992. Human rights take a second place and special care is given to whichever positions are taken. The Greek press uses the term ‘Albanian-speaking’ instead of ‘Albanians’, thus indirectly presenting the minority in the area as a linguistic and not an ethnic minority. "Kosovo: the pressures are escalating" (El. 3/2). "Kosovo: Fear of an explosion in Skopje" (Eth. 5/2). "Kosovo is a boiling cauldron" (K. 7/2). "Milosevic took a step towards working something out with the Albanians from Kosovo: he invited Rugova" (El. 19/2). "The optimistic message which the West has received from Bosnia unfortunately does not touch Yugoslavia. The disorderly situation in Kosovo, the trends for disconnecting Montenegro from the chariot of Belgrade, the crumbling of the Serb economy and the increasing popular discontent, they all outline the setting in today’s Yugoslavia, three years after the termination of the war. Having passed onto the presidency of Yugoslavia and remaining essentially the only powerful man in Serbia, S. Milosevic is in a particularly difficult position" (K. 28/2).

In addition to the political dimension of things, there is also an economic dimension: "For the past two days, Belgrade is seeing an atmosphere of upheaval because of the protests of old-age pensioners and taxi drivers" (N. 25/2).

Turkey and the Turks

The principal image of an average Greek regarding Turkey is that of ‘an eternal enemy.’ This could be seen in the majority of the publications, as well as in the public opinion poll through letters to the press. Oftentimes Turkey is compared with a bad and pampered child who everybody -except Greece- tries to please with favors. "Turkey as a conscious trouble-maker with its alleged power violates international treaties, international rules. It provokes. It attempts to impose the Hitler theory of living species. Besides, Turkey admired Hitler" (E.T. 15/2). The cool-headed and conciliatory positions are relatively scant. "Turkey’s behavior in the last decades can only be explained through the meaning of ‘expansionism’. (…) However, the problem is that this ‘truth’ is not based upon knowing Turkey. It is a construction, a working proposition, which indisputably facilitates the solution of certain complex equalizations. (…) The Turkish invasion of Cyprus and the theories developed around jurisdiction in the Aegean Sea hurt Greek society and demanded explicit explanations. The explanation of expansionism was found in the prevalent climate of the Political Change. This analysis assisted effectively in the moral and diplomatic isolation of resorting to violence. The solution of a political-national issue and the isolation were perfect: Turkey was unable to achieve anything through the invasion of 1974." (K. 11/2).

The feeling of Greek cultural supremacy vis-a-vis Turkish barbarity is mobilized from time to time in order to demonstrate the difference between East-West and Greece-Turkey. The Turkish Domination and the inevitable influences of cohabitation of 400 years are exorcised to the fire of hell. "Therefore, whatever they do, whatever they try to present as creations of their ancestors, will follow them like nightmares. Every day this will remind them that they belong to the long-standing owners of the land which they conquered violently, and they will reveal their own historical inferiority. The problem, however, is certainly not the ‘Turks’. They [are] a society heterogeneous with regard to race, without any education and cultural elements so that they could elevate the values and respect towards the history of other nations…" (K. 22/2). "The following … [a list of names follows] express their discontent but also their indignation regarding what is prevalent in the ‘Greek-music discos’ through their letter. The letter mentions that ‘at least one thousand young boys and girls were swinging under the deafening sounds of tabors within a frightening feast of Turkish songs.’ ‘Who is responsible for guiding the youth to listen to anti-national Turkish songs and to get addicted to them?’" (E.T. 19/2).

The feelings provoked by the second meeting between Greek and Turkish journalists are mixed. The host of the meeting was Izmir. El., which played a leading role in the realization and continuation of this effort, looks at the initiative with special satisfaction. "Greek mission of goodwill in Smyrna" (El. 5/2). Contrary to this, some other sections of the press seem to be more hesitant and suspicious. "By the way and in addition to the generalized references regarding the Greek-Turkish friendship, perhaps somebody would have the sensitiveness to tell us who finances the frequent ‘rapprochement’ meetings between the Greek and Turkish journalists?" (Eth. 11/2).

"‘A banner was put up’ by A.E.K. in Constantinople" writes Ê. (13/2) regarding the victory of the Greek basketball team in Istanbul. The newspaper mentions "provocations by Turks who removed the emblem of the Two-headed Eagle, the emblem of Byzantium", and "hostile climate" in the basketball stadium. However, it foresees the Greeks as the protagonists of the revenge. The aforementioned proves in the best possible way that the coverage even of a sports game between the Greeks and the Turks can bring about and consolidate the mutual negative feelings and stereotypes.

The Greek-Turkish cooperation on issues of culture and in particular on what pertains to programs of restoration and conservation of monuments in the two countries is seen particularly positively by El. "In Constantinople four monuments of the Byzantine period are being restored. In Greece, works are starting for the elevation of mosques and Turkish baths. The Muslim athletes of the year 2004 will pray in the Felissie mosque in Plaka" (El. 24/2).