| FEBRUARY 1997 Monitoring
by Christina Rougheri, Greek
Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group - Gr.
Internal Minorities
The annual State Department report on human rights
The official Greek political practice of not recognizing any national
minority in Greece is followed almost by the whole Greek press. Sensitive issues, like
those usually taken up by the annual State Department report on human rights, are treated
with suspicion, reproaching the State Department for some intentional distortion of the
truth to serve some interests and political purposes. The reference to the Macedonian
minority in Greece is apparently disturbing all newspapers that mention the issue. There
are references on "alleged minority and alleged discrimination" (Eth. 31/1)
"discovered by the report" (N. 31/1) and on "strange wording on the
bilinguals of Western Macedonia" (Ad.T. 31/1). Characteristic is the following
excerpt: "Specifically as regards the ‘pseudo-Macedonians’ the State Department
mentions that the Greek authorities forbid the Slav-speaking population to call itself a
minority and name itself ‘Macedonian’" (E.T. 31/1).
It is a noteworthy contradiction the way the Greek press treats the
same report when it refers to other countries: then it is considered authoritative. For
example, on Turkey: "They see increasing human rights violations in Turkey" (El.
31/1): "a report slap in the face of Turkey from the US (finally) on the Turks’
barbarisms (…) Addicted beasts" (Ad.T. 31/1); "Slap in the face of Ankara from
the State Department" (E.T. 31/1). It is characteristic that when the press covers
comparatively Greece and Turkey, the coverage of Greece is limited without comments, or
with comments along the usual line of challenge and suspicion (Ap. 31/1, N. 31/1).
Other coverage of minorities
The same suspicious if not aggressive attitude towards anything related
to minorities is seen in articles on the visit of American officials in Northern Greece to
inform themselves on human rights issues, meeting among others members of the minority in
Thrace and of "Rainbow" [party of the Macedonian minority]. "Anti-Greek
propaganda of the USA in Salonica" (Ap. 22/2); "questionable games at the
expense of our country" as "Americans linger about Thrace" (Ad.T. 22/2). A
similar comment on the Aspen Institute’s "negative report" [of the
International Commission on the Balkans] with "anti-Greek scenarios from a
‘committee of wise men’" (Ap. 23/2).
In an interview (Ad.T. 16/2), former Assistant Foreign Minister
Virginia Tsouderou speaks vehemently on the minority in Thrace and the alleged role of the
Turkish Consulate there. "The Turkish Consulate in Komotini buys off people and
consciences"; she attributes the recent incidents resulting from building works in
the Kimmeria mosque to a falsification of a document of the building inspection authority
by an employee who was "bribed" by Turkey’s agents. "Between 1990-1995,
Muslims bought some 1,300 acres in Thrace, a fact that gives rise to suspicions that the
money comes from Turkey rather than from the uncle in America (…) When I was in the
ministry, tens of agents tried to enter Thrace under the cover of the mufti." It is
indicative that the journalist’s comments not only agree but even strengthen the views
of the Greek politician, making the article even more prone to boost the xenophobic
impressions it may leave to the reader. The title is "We’ve become a country that
gets humiliating slaps in the face" and the lead includes the following excerpts.
"Orgy of terror by Turkish Consulate men in Thrace. Erbakan’s agents, totally
insolent, ‘throw to the lions’ whoever does not satisfy Ankara’s appetite. Their
target are the Greek Muslims in Komotini and Xanthi who want to cut the ‘umbilical
cord’ with Turkey. (…) They are beating relentlessly, destroying properties,
blackmailing, bribing and exerting tremendous pressure on whoever resists them. (…) The
MIT [the Turkish Intelligence Service] has infiltrated even our civil service! They paid
handsomely and filled the pockets of Greek employees in order to forge official documents.
(…) They put up re-transmitters so that we hear them all day insulting us."
The above article is a follow-up to a story from the previous week
(Ad.T. 9/2) with the title: "Yourousi [Turkish for assault] on Thrace"
addressing the possible mass repatriation of Turks in Greece, as a consequence to a
decision of the European Court that allows the free movement of Turks who are working in
the EU member states. That issue is related to "the return in the sensitive area of
Thrace of thousands of Muslims with Turkish conscience whose citizenship had been revoked
for anti-Greek activity" and the abolition of article 19 of the Greek Citizenship
Code, "which is under preparation". The conclusion is that "this is the
first step towards the return of the declared agents of Ankara." Another article
refers to a BBC program on the Kimmeria mosque issue. The journalist considers the program
as part of the "dangerous debate on the Muslims’ oppression in Thrace". In an
attempt to answer the allegations therein that a Turkish mayor was beaten up, the article
ends with the comment: "He must have thought that he is in Turkey to have such
memories of beatings" (Ad.T. 14/2).
Two more negative pieces on Thrace in Ad.T. In the first (26/2),
reporting on the trial of minority journalist Dede, there is a reference to an alleged
"alliance between the Muslim bow and the Rainbow (…) Muslims and pro-Skopjans booed
the witnesses for the prosecution". The other is a letter of a high school student
from Thrace, in which many usual stereotypes are reproduced (1/2): "Thrace is being
lost for lack of interest on the part of the government. (…) Here Turks live in homes
you would be ashamed to walk on the floor of. They enter the civil service when Thrace
experiences heavy unemployment. (…) My high school is 50 meters away from the church and
we can hardly hear the bell. When the hodja though speaks from the mosque which is 100
meters away he can be heard louder than our professor. (…) The Turks in Thrace, if they
are not already, will in a few years become more numerous than us. (…) I call them Turks
rather than Muslims first because they say it, and secondly as in their schools and
mosques where they take their classes, in the end, they all together repeat ten times ‘I
am a Turk.’"
On the other minorities, the following quote saying that the
representatives of the European Bureau of Less Spoken Languages "who visit from time
to time our country are treated like agents of some invisible enemy or of ‘anti-Greek
interests’" (El. 9/2) is indicative of the climate. The presence of a Macedonian
minority is as usually contested. There are references to "constructed
‘Macedonians’ that we call out of embarrassment Slavomacedonians" (El. 28/2); or
that "they insist in calling themselves ‘Macedonians’ refusing to adopt even
formally the term ‘Slavomacedonians.’ And of course, there is no ‘Greek Macedonia’
for them but only ‘the Aegean part of Macedonia.’ We are talking about the
Slav-speaking/Slavomacedonians in Greece represented mainly by ‘Rainbow’" (El.
13/2). This comment, like the following one, was triggered by a Greek and Macedonian NGO
meeting in Skopje (among them Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group-Greece).
"A non-governmental delegation discussed, they say, with our good neighbors, the
Aegean issue and the question on whether there are Skopje "Macedonians" from
Greece whose identity is challenged by us, the bad racist Greeks, and we also search
through their files at the customs offices. We have no doubt whatsoever that some
empty-headed ‘progressive’ ones from our side went to Skopje to discuss the … Aegean
issue and other such … racist problems" (Ad.T. 16/2).
On the Roma, we have one article on their problems in Evosmos
("The Undesirable" Ad.T. 16/2); and another one on similar problems in Chios
("Respectable Chios residents against Gypsies", El. 27/2), in which many
inhabitants (among them the local police director) state the following in a petition:
"the establishment of a Gypsy camp near the slaughterhouse is very dangerous for
public health and there is a direct danger of epidemics, as the public storage of
excrements of a large number of people, besides the fact that excrements carry viruses,
may also have other infections like hepatitis; these viruses may reach our meals through
the animal products traded through the slaughterhouses." On the (illegal) immigrants,
the debate on the draft decree for their legalization includes hostile references like
"the import of minorities which will alter the demographic element of the
country" (El. 1/2, letter to the editor); and "they will contribute to the
explosion of the criminality indicators in our country" (K. 16/2).
Albania and Albanians
The social and political dimension of the collapse of the pyramids
in Albania, the continuing protests in Tirana and Vlore, their impact on the Berisha
government and the economic consequences on Greece of a new wave of illegal immigrants are
daily dealt with by the Greek press. Albanians are presented as "desperate, cheated,
and indignant depositors" (El. 17/2), "the Balkans’ miserable ones (…) who
don’t have even bread to eat" (E.T. 17/2), "the wretched ones who try to come
to our country to escape poverty and misery’ (Eth. 16/2), "disappointed ones"
(Ad.T. 17/2), and "the angry ones who took it to the streets" (Ap. 8/2).
Berisha’s image is deteriorating daily, as he is presented as the
most responsible one for the crisis, the man who backed and was backed by the pyramids and
other such illicit operations, taking into account mainly his own personal interests and
his hold on power, deceiving his own people. "They knew they were backing a
gangster" (El. 15/2), "Government of mobsters in Albania" (E.T. 15/2). The
official invitation to Berisha to visit Greece was criticized by many: "Simitis’
life-saving for Berisha" (E.T. 16/2), "Backing Berisha? That’s too much!"
(Ap. 24/2). As for the impact on Greece, widespread are the fears of "a descent of
the hungry from Albania" (E.T. 15/2), contributing to the creation of a new wave of
Albanophobia: "Greek/Albanian borders. Soldiers on the alert" (Ad.T. 17/2),
"Long queues for visas to Greece" (E.T. 14/2).
Research results published in K. (16/2) under the title "who do
Greeks see as foreigners" (16/2) indicates that "in the conscience of most
Greeks the image of the immigrant is identified with that of the Albanian and has as a
consequence the stereotype ‘Albanian, illegal immigrant, violent, thief, dangerous,
criminal’ (…) the use of violence against Albanians and, more generally, against other
immigrants is no longer a moral demerit. In the conscience of many people it is been
preceded by the image of these immigrants as inferior and potentially dangerous. A migrant
has henceforth the image of a human being unworthy of respect and protection."
Characteristic along this line is the story of the fatal shooting of an
Albanian by a Greek policeman: "They did well to shoot that 19-year old in Kastoria
(…) In any case, it does not really matter that someone shot an Albanian out there in
Kastoria. We will not miss him anyway. We expect thousands to come our way in the
following months" (Ad.T. 12/2). Or an article (Eth. 21/1) "The Albanians are
coming again" which perpetuates the stereotype of Albanians as "scoundrels and
slanderer aliens."
Bulgaria and Bulgarians
The crisis in Bulgaria is covered on a daily basis by the Greek press.
Articles focus on the difficult economic situation of the country, often in relation to
the general situation in the Balkans (and especially in Albania), and the potential wave
of new illegal immigrants. Hyperinflation, continuous changes in the exchange rate of the
lev, the timidity of the governments of recent years to take measures to improve the
economic situation and create a more favorable investment climate are the main themes of
the greater part of the articles. The image of Bulgarians - miserable people who are
deprived of the essential foodstuff, and search even in the dustbins - is the dominant
one. The following titles are indicative: "They eat dog food" (K. 20/2),
"They eat from the food of the dogs", (Ad.T. 20/2), "In Bulgaria they miss
even bread" (K. 21/1), "Bulgaria on the verge of misery" (El. 19/2),
"We are importing more from Bulgaria which is hungry!" (El. 24/2).
Macedonia and Macedonians
News from Macedonia this month focus on the protest demonstrations of
Macedonian students against instruction in Albanian at the Pedagogical Academy of Skopje
University. The related stories often link the issue with the situation in Kosovo with its
Albanian minority, the economic crisis in Albania, the political crisis in Serbia,
expressing the fear that Berisha and Milosevic will exploit the situation for internal
political reasons. The image of a situation out of control and full of dangers in the
Balkans is prevailing. "The thermometer of nationalism in the Balkans is on the
rise" (El. 25/2), "Skopjan students on strike" (Eth. 18/2),
"Anti-Albanian demonstration of students" (El. 18/2), "War of
demonstrations in Skopje" (El. 26/2). Newspapers cover this issue mostly in a
‘neutral’ way, without calling the student protests ‘nationalistic’. Finally, in a
story in E.T. (7/2) with the title "Embassy of the Republic of Macedonia in
Berlin" we have another case of contesting the use of the name Macedonia instead of
FYROM by the embassy in the German capital.
Romania and Romanians
This month too, Romania is covered less than the other countries in
the Greek press. The related stories focus on the country’s economic problems and the
efforts to overcome the possible political repercussions of the necessary program of
privatizations and the fight against unemployment. The dominant image is that of a small
country that is trying to come out of the crisis with as little pain as possible.
Indicative titles: "They abandoned 100,000 children in Romania" (El. 11/2),
"They abandon babies in Romania" (Ap. 11/2), "Unemployment in Romania"
(K. 7/2).
Serbia and Serbs
Milosevic’s interview in the country’s largest circulation
newspaper Vima (9/2) gives an image of him contrary to the one that almost all Greek
papers have been presenting since the beginning of the demonstrations. Here the Serbian
leader emerges through his answers as a man who never sought power, who was compelled to
implicate his country in "a blood bath caused by foreign interests" and who
tries to help democracy take roots in his country. It is noteworthy that the other papers
who usually give a different image of Milosevic refrained from commenting on that
interview. Otherwise, the negative stories about Milosevic continue. "Milosevic made
256 million dollars from cigarette smuggling" (El. 8/2), "Milosevic will sell
out post and telecommunication to survive" (El. 10/2).
But positive stories about Serbia are still published, like the
commentary "Underground" (Ad.T. 7/2). "Allow me to disagree with the
dangerous upheaval in much afflicted Yugoslavia. (…) It is a country which affects us, a
fatherland that became the target of all the bastards of the world. (…) As we were about
to say ‘thank God!’ and brag like Orthodox, something happens and everything
collapses. (…) What a shame. Who would have expected from a people which stood united
against the bullets and the hunger to humiliate themselves on party issues. (…) What are
they looking for now? For Milosevic to go and get some kind of Yeltsin in his place or to
have some liberal experience like Berisha’s, so as to enjoy … elections and
liberalism. (…) What can I say. Demonstrations with the clergy in the front! I lose
face. Muslims can only be happy and those who were bombing us through yesterday may now
intervene to … help restore order."
In another interview, R. Karadjic (E.T. 2/2) is presented as a
"star" and "Pale’s myth" despite his warmongering statements which
were reflected in the title "I will start a war if …" The journalist
frequently justifies Karadjic’s action "who saw their fellow countrymen been
tortured, built alive in concrete mixer of Muslims, beheaded by knives of Croats, with the
victimizers then taking pictures with their trophies." Karadjic is presented here as
an unfairly treated person, victim of "the color-blind West", whose "hatred
for the Turkish conquerors is boiling."
Turkey and Turks
Speculation in Turkey about the evolution of her regime, the debate on
the theocratic vs. the secular state, the fears of the complete domination of Islamists
and the role of the army to avert Islamisation of political life characterize the Greek
and European press. Turkey is presented as a country which is functioning outside the
usual European models. It is a country with two faces, torn between the East and the West,
and also hostile, threatening, aggressive, barbarian and uncivilized. "The Islamist
government under the threat of a new coup; the army paraded the tanks to make it clear
that it will not allow the imposition of a theocratic regime" (Ad.T. 6/2).
"Turkey is in a transition period between the evolution to an Islamist state and the
imposition of a military dictatorship aiming at the return of the Attaturk order. Both
alternatives lead to regimes which have no place in a democratic civilization" (El.
9/2). The Turkish puzzle is completed with news and comments about para-state mechanism
and connections with rackets of drug dealers and smugglers: "Turkey trades
drugs" (El. 16/2), "Ciller was bribing American journalists" (E.T. 15/2),
"Turkish monopoly, the market of human pain" (Ad.T. 10/2). There were also
articles covering the mobilization of Turkish citizens and their protests, to underline
the negative image of the regime and indicate that Turks cannot take it any more:
"Every night at 9pm, Turks turn off the lights as a message of indignation" (N.
20/2), "Women have rebelled against Islamic law" (El. 17/2), "Conflict
within the Turkish establishment" [following the reaction of the Union of Turkish
Industrialists and Businessmen to the international image of Turkey and Erbakan’s
intentions to make a tilt to the Orient] (K. 2/2).
As usual, unfavorable references and reports on human rights issues are
put forward by the Greek press in every opportunity. "Ninety-nine journalists and
publishers in Turkish prisons" (N. 13/2), "Media should learn karate" (El.
10/2), "Slap in the face to Turkey form Denmark" (Eth. 10/2).
There were though some articles whose purpose was clearly to contradict
the usual negative stereotypes. First, a dossier (El. 2/2) on the "known-unknown
Turkish left". "They dream of a better future, without state terrorism, racism
and misery. Greek media usually do not deign to cover these other Turks, who contradict
the stereotypes we have learnt at school." Then an article presenting the love story
of a Greek and a Turk: "Greek-Turkish version of St. Valentine" (El. 14/2).
Also, an article referring to the meeting of Greek and Turkish journalists to discuss the
role of the media in the Greek-Turkish crisis around the Imia rocky isles which includes
an optimistic comment that such efforts will continue in the future (El. 8/2). And, from
the sports pages, the Turkish weight-lifter Naim Suleimanoglou supports the Greek national
team which was implicated in rumors that some of its members were involved in a doping
scandal: "Naim backs Greece and Iakovou [the team’s trainer]" (Eth. 19/2).
Guide to newspaper initials: Ad.T. = Adesmeftos Typos (center-right);
Ap. = Apogevmatini; E.T. = Eleftheros Typos (center-right); El. = Eleftherotypia
(center-left); Eth. = Ethnos (center-left); K. = Kathimerini (center-right); N. = Nea
(center-left); V.= Vima (center-left - Sunday equivalent to Nea) |