AUGUST 1998 Monitoring

* The Turkish Minority Consultative Committee is targeted. Fire against the Turkish minority MPs * Reactions at Archbishop Christodoulos’ statements * Economic immigrants detained illegally * Albania: very good bilateral relations, internal instability * Bulgaria: improvement of relations, comparisons with the past * Macedonia: reactions against Macedonian nationalism echoing anti-Macedonian hysteria * Romania: prostitution and criminality * Serbia: in the shadow of Kosovo * Turkey: reactions caused by the Turkish flag.

Internal minorities

Last month’s visit of Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos to Thrace where he met only the state-appointed muftis, as well as the statements of the Parliamentary President, Ap. Kaklamanis, to an Alexandroupolis-based TV channel on how the minority should be homogenized with the rest of the population, provoked the protest of the Turkish Minority Consultative Committee. The Committee issued a press release expressing its «skepticism» as regards Pangalos’ visit and assessing Kaklamanis’ statements as typical of «racist mentality». Similar was the content of a letter of New Democracy MP Birol Akifoglou addressed to the President of the Parliament. These reactions did not get their due place in the newspapers. The only publicity they got was in Eleftheros Typos and Eleftherotypia, which, after a week’s delay, wrote about the minority in their usual way. In the prejudiced and ironic report of Eleftheros Typos, the Consultative Committee is characterized as an «informal and illegal body controlled by the local Turkish Consulate, which has become the wasps’ nest of the extremists» (E.T., 6/9). «The issuing of this unprecedented ‘manifesto’ [...] was dictated by the Turkish Consulate of Komotini, particularly annoyed by Pangalos’ visit to Thrace. [...] According to reliable sources, [the texts] are a prelude to the new diplomatic campaign of Ankara against the alleged campaign of the Greek authorities aiming at assimilating the minority. [...] Moreover, they have already been communicated to the competent services of the American State Department... to be used as a decoration for the next report on human rights in Greece». Even Eleftherotypia, a newspaper which from time to time has positive comments on the positions of the minority, referred to the press release of the Consultative Committee -completely dismissing the letter of the MP Akifoglou- in a clearly negative way: «Open attack against the President of the Parliament Ap. Kaklamanis and Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos, by the so-called ‘Consultative Committee of the Turkish Minority of Western Thrace’», (EL, 4/9)

According to standard practice, the demand for minority rights arising from international treaties signed by Greece, or even the efforts for peaceful coexistence in the area, are treated as an anti-Hellenic intervention by Turkey and are connected to the efforts of collecting votes for the coming municipal and prefectural elections. «A Trojan Horse with a fez in the Rhodopes. The Turkish Consulate, together with hard-core Muslims, are trying to take advantage of the differences between political parties in order to promote candidates controlled by them» (Eth. 11/8). «It is common secret in Thrace that the ‘unholy alliance’ -including the ‘fraternization’ with Turkish cities and the visits of Turkish officials which the Greek Foreign Ministry had to condemn publicly- had as its exclusive aim the collection of Muslim votes on which Mr. Stavropoulos is expected to secure his re-election. [Mr. Stavropoulos is the Prefect of the Rhodopes district and is a ‘laughing stock’ according to the report] » (ET, 6/9).

In the same framework, an attempt is made to divide the minority into Pomaks (claimed to be descendants of the ancient Pomak race who became Muslims in the years of the Ottoman Empire but preserve their Greek national consciousness) and hard-core Muslims. «In early August, Mr. Prefect [of the Rhodopes region] participated in the annual Pomak festival [...]. And to shatter to pieces any illusions, I will bring the following to your attention: for the first time the Pomak festival was financed from sources on the other side of the border as well. Officials were addressed in perfect Turkish language and in the wrestling games which followed the Turkish wrestlers were dressed in their traditional leather uniforms. But for the first time, Greek Pomaks were wearing the same uniforms, obviously a gift from the Turkish Consulate of Komotini [...] And as a crowning of the whole affair, I should mention the fact that this venerable ceremony... of turning Greek Pomaks into Turks, was covered by journalists of the well known newspaper ‘Hurriet,’ journalists who had succeeded in entering the surveyed zone» (E.T. 16/8). Similar comments were made with regard to the festival of Alan Tepe, the traditional festival of the local minority communities, sponsored this year by Emfietzoglou, a contractor in the construction of Egnatia street. While articles in the Turkish press expressed the objections of the minority against this businessman and asked the local population to boycott the festival, the picture drawn by Eleftheros Typos was different: «Under the auspices and the sponsorship of Emfietzoglou and the local agha, the famous festival of ‘Alan Tepe’ was revived this year in the mountainous Pomak villages in the Rhodopes. Apparently, the success of the festival in previous years ‘annoyed’ the mouthpieces of Ankara in Komotini, who asked the people not to participate in the festival» (E.T. 25/8).

Very often the tense atmosphere in the area leads to incidents, treated again as expressions of anti-Hellenic propaganda. «A group of motorcyclists provoked an incident in a village of Western Thrace. The Turkish Foreign Ministry stated that ‘In the evening of July 29, about 50-60 Greek motorcyclists went to the village of Koyunkju, Xanthi district, insulted people of our own descent and shouted slogans such as ‘Out with the Turks’, ‘We will kill you’ » (EL. 5/8). Although the police referred to a «personal incident between Greek-Pontians, Pomaks and Muslims» one cannot help but wonder what kind of «personal incident» is this, when it involves groups with different national consciousness. Eleftheros Typos rejected the incident a priori and attributed it to the Turkish propaganda: «Apparently imagination is something unknown to the officials of the Turkish Foreign Ministry who have started again their well known stories about Greek nationalists with motorcycles... going around and terrorizing the residents of the Muslim villages» (E.T. 4/8).

However, there are calm voices supporting the right of the minority to self-determination and coming out in favor of a peaceful solution to the problem. «The bars may have been removed, yet there are still many things separating the Muslim minority from the Christian majority» Eleftherotypia reports from the minority area of Echinos, quoting Muslims who speak of marginalization, and concluding: «What one becomes aware of is that the full inclusion of the minority into society demands the establishment of their right to self-determination» (EL. 27/8). Such peaceful approaches, however, do not remain unanswered by the supporters of the nationalist side. «Let’s stop speaking in an easy going way of multicultural Thrace. Let other areas of Europe, not threatened by the Turks, become the experimental field for multicultural models. There are suspicions that with these plans the ‘slicking’ of billions from the EU is being tested», S. Kargakos wrote (E.T. 28/8).

The Turkish minority is not the only minority whose rights are being suppressed in the name of national homogeneity and national interest. Every deviation from the Greek-Orthodox ideology is automatically considered suspect and threatening. Typical of this view is the letter of S. Livas to Eleftherotypia referring to the Minority Groups’ Research Center: «What is difficult (?) for somebody to understand is the ‘feeling’ of all those ignorant people for the languages of ‘minority groups’ in our country. They obviously open the road for the future establishment of ‘minority’ schools and other unexpected phenomena. The first ‘two-day meeting’ took place in Thrace (on the Pomak language). The second concerned the ‘Vlach language’ and was convened in Larisa (a few days ago) taking by surprise the authorities of the city, informed about the meeting at the very last moment. Local society and all those who finally ‘got wind’ of the news, reacted in their own way, while, to their credit, the councils of the various Vlach organizations avoided participating. [...] I was surprised to hear that the Romanian government provides grants to students from Vlach-speaking villages of the area, upon submission of a certificate issued by the ‘competent Greek services’ (certifying that they are indeed vlachophones). I wonder if there are such (competent) Greek services issuing such certificates!» (EL, 14/8).

This stand is at least hypocritical, since the press does not spare its statements when similar human rights of Greek descendants are at stake: «What the Church demands is nothing but respect for human rights on the basis of international agreements» (ET, 26/8), Archbishop Christodoulos stated, referring not to the rights of the Turkish minority or of some religious minorities but to the rights of the Greek minority of Albania. «The State should at last take essential measures which will protect and not level out the multiculturalism of our country, and which will also avert cultural and social marginalization, thus making Greece a fighter for human rights», PASOK’s MP Ev. Vlassopoulos concluded in his question addressed to Parliament with reference to the Pomaks and the Gypsies of Thrace (excluding the Turkish minority) (E.T. 29/8). The statement of Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos on the occasion of the opening of the Greek Consulate in Albania is very characteristic in the fact that it clearly contradicts his recent position as regards the role of the Turkish Consulate in Komotini: «[Mr. Pangalos] reminded us of the times when any attempt to open a Consulate in the Balkans was accompanied by hostility and reservations, expressed in the following questions: What do they want the Consulate for? Do they intend to spy on us? Do they want to take something from us? Do they wish to come in and do their own thing? These views - he said - were typical of oppressive regimes; he thus made a distinction between countries still possessed by this mentality and other countries which consider that the opening of a Consulate is a step forward in bilateral relations» (EL. 31/8).

There are other people who apply double standards when they collectively denounce some isolated incidents in the neighbor countries and speak of nationalism and aggression, while, on the other hand, they avoid referring to similar incidents caused by nationalist groups in Greece. «Some hot-headed individuals in Tirana try to resurrect the vision of a Greater Albania, taking advantage of the developments in Kosovo. As New Democracy MP Antonis Fousas said, maps published in Albania present the areas of Ioannina, Grevena, Thesprotia, Arta as Albanian. The same holds true of parts of Skopje and Kosovo. The worst of all is that, replying to a question of the MP, the Foreign Ministry admitted that it is not possible to prohibit the publication of such maps» (ETh. 12/8). Yet, similar maps presenting Greater Greece or articles of the nationalist newspaper Stohos envisioning the military occupation of Southern Albania or of Istanbul are not criticized.

The opposite voices, which insist on the recognition of minority rights and on peaceful cooperation between peoples independent of their national consciousness, are often accused of yielding to the Turks. «Yielding to Turkey in a submissive manner is undoubtedly a feature of the diplomacy of Mr. Simitis and Mr. Pangalos. This is also suggested by certain professors (most of all by the Prime Minister’s friend and former Vice Foreign Minister, Hristos Rozakis) who see positively the future transformation of our country into a satellite of a strong Turkey playing, with the blessings of the USA, the role of a peripheral power...» (E. 14/8). Exousia brought to the fore a document of the Ministry of Defense, dividing political and academic personalities into pro-Turkish and patriots. The Ministry of Defense acknowledged the existence of this document, which, however, had not been drafted by its services but was an anonymous registered letter addressed to the Ministry. Finally, Eleftherotypia directly attacked the Greek Helsinki Monitor: «Mr. Dimitras (and his now orphaned organization), an ardent defender of ‘human rights,’ is financed by the notorious George Soros [...]. Mr. Soros is assisting Mr. Gligorov and the nationalists of the neighbor country in various ways. He finances them, promotes their views on the ‘Aegean Macedonia, enslaved by Greeks’ and at the same time is sponsoring ... defenders of human rights» (EL. 3/8).

This month Jehovah’s Witnesses were at the center of criticism on the occasion of their International Assembly convened in the Peace and Friendship Stadium. This event provoked representatives of the Church of Greece to come out and renounce them, characterizing them as «victims of impostors», victims of a «multinational publishing company» harming the interests of Hellenism. «We are attacked by the millenarians, the enemies of Orthodoxy par excellence... On this issue we were expecting the Greek state to take a better stand. Instead, we have Ministers attacking the Archbishop...» (E.T. 24/8). Of course, nowhere in the article is the attack on Jehovah’s Witnesses documented. The Church of Greece denies the existence of a court decision condemning Greece because of its law prohibiting proselytism. And it also conceals the European Court acquittal of Jehovah’s Witnesses accused for proselytism. Jehovah’s Witnesses are not the only religious minority suffering discrimination. The Archbishop of Athens Christodoulos did not hesitate to attack the President of Greece himself, because he had met representatives of the Old Calendarists. According to standard practice «the state not only does not contribute to the payment of Catholic priests -Greek citizens of purely Greek origin- but also does not assist the preservation and the maintenance of historic monuments, churches or other buildings. What ‘democratic’ argument could be invoked? We are curious to listen to what the officials have to say...» (K. 19/8) Antonis Karkayannis is wondering.

At the same time the dispute concerning the separation of the Church from the State, as well as the right of the Archbishop to speak on political and national issues is continuing with unimpaired force. The cause was, on the one hand, the wish of the Archbishop to celebrate the August 15 mass in the Church of Holy Mary of Soumela as the Head of the Orthodox Church, and, on the other, his joining of a group of priests singing a folk song containing the following lines "let us conquer Istanbul and Agia Sofia." One side of the dispute, supported by the conservative press, insists on identifying Orthodoxy with Hellenism, and recognizes in the face of the Archbishop a new and dynamic Ethnarch. This view finds its highest expression in the articles of Stohos: «Whatever they do, whatever they say, Christodoulos is the leader of the Nation. And in no way can they get rid of him. The name ‘Archbishop-Thunder’ created and established by Stohos has taken roots everywhere. If they want, they can look and see how many tanks and airplanes have been named ‘Christodoulos’ ‘Archbishop Thunder’ etc.. The Nation has won» (from EL. 20/8). The Archbishop himself has not reacted against these publications, although in a similar case he did not hesitate to press charges against the circulation of a poster of the Party of the Ecologists showing him shaking hands with the president of the Party. The other side, supported by the progressive press, considers that the public speeches of the Archbishop should be restricted to ecclesiastic issues for reasons of principle, and for avoiding problems in the field of foreign policy.

Once again, the economic immigrants came to the forefront. A series of articles in Eleftherotypia covered the hunger strike of immigrants protesting against their illegal detention under inhuman conditions. «They are held together, squeezed among each other. Detention places are like warehouses for humans. The capacity of the cells is very small for so many people. Detainees are piled up even in the corridors. There is no vital space for them to move, or even stretch their legs. Some live in these conditions [...] for 13 months. Detained, without having committed a crime. Just because they had no documents. Thus, they are illegal, while the process of their legalization is still on. [...] Practice used to be for immigrants whose address of residence and work was known to be set free. But now, in the middle of the Public Prosecutor’s investigation on the provision of residence permits, nobody takes responsibility for them» (EL. 24/8). «In practice, these men are held without a Minister’s decision and very often without any pending decision for expulsion. This means that they are illegally held, simply because they have no papers, or because their papers are not considered sufficient» says lawyer Yanna Kourtovik (EL. 27/8). Finally, data on refugees that have seen the light of publicity are very disturbing. According to the National Refugee Council «Greece grants political asylum to 4-5% of the refugees, a percentage rising to 9% with the temporary residence permits issued on humanitarian grounds» (EL. 16/8).

There are voices, mainly from the conservative opposition corners, attributing unemployment and criminality to the existence of immigrants. «The hour has come for the Simitis government to abandon demagogy and drastically limit the number of immigrants in our country, both legal and illegal. The government has no ideological alibi for protecting all sorts of networks and resigning from its responsibility to establish social and national cohesion. [...] Common sense and elementary consistence impose the application of the Italian method in Greece too!» (E.T. 12/8). At the same time, the decision of the government to legalize the immigrants is criticized on the grounds that it ratifies the alteration of the Greek population through the ‘import’ of minorities coming mainly from countries sharing common borders with Greece (and breeding expansionist aspirations towards Greece). «[...] the demographic aging, the absolute decrease of the population and the massive, legal or illegal migration, are complemented by the devastation of areas of strategic importance. There are areas in Greece bordering on Greater Albania which is in process of formation. In these areas the Albanians tend to become the majority among those able to work. There are areas of Thrace being transformed, because of negative demographic developments, into an easy target of Turkish expansionism» [«The suicide of Greece» (E.T. 3/8)]. However, the opposite approach is present as well. An article following this line described Athens as more pleasant in the month of August, when the Athenians are absent and the immigrants «discover the city and use it in the same way Athenians used the city it in the past» (K. 26/8).

Albania and the Albanians

The image of a poor country, ravaged by criminality, uncertainty and internal instability is the prevailing one. There are just a few exceptions to this predominantly negative picture. «A few years ago, here in Greece we used to laugh at the shortest possible joke: ‘Albanian tourist.’ But in 1991 they created a Ministry of Tourism in Tirana. Tourism in a country, which not only has no tourists but has no tourist infrastructure whatsoever. There are no roads and this is still Europe’s least safe country. [...]. Another funny thing in today’s Albania is that, while trying to heal its chronic wounds, it experiences the opening of new wounds, such as Kosovo, corruption, smuggling and criminality. As a Lernaean Hydra these wounds continuously give birth to new heads» (V. 6/9). In this climate, the Greek press is generally favorable to the attempts of the government of Fatos Nano to modernize the country. However, he is portrayed as a prisoner of his own hesitancy, of the opposition, of state corruption and of friction in his relations with the President of the Albania. «Berisha threatens Nano with arms» (EL. 29/8) and «Albania is a boiler ready to explode» (E.T. 29/8). This is the usual line prevailing in the Greek press when describing the internal political situation, after the arrest of six leaders of the Democratic Party for crimes against humanity and after the attacks of Berisha against the government.

The southern part of the country is depicted as a pray of the armed bandits’ gangs ruining the area and threatening both the Greek minority and the Greek citizens crossing the border. Kalashnikovs, masked persons, attacks with grenades against buses, pillage of golden jewelry - all these are descriptions which help form an image similar to the one of the American Wild West. «Albanian Assault of an OSE Bus» (EL. 27/8). «Northern Epirus: they took money and golden jewelry from the passengers. A Wild West style raid of an Albanian gang on a Greek bus. [...] Since the period of the uprising against Berisha, many armed bands have appeared in Northern Epirus, most of which were dismantled by the authorities. However, it seems that there are others still spreading terror and ravaging this area» (E.T. 27/8).

The Islamic attacks against the American embassies of Kenya and Tanzania gave food to a series of articles referring to the presence of Islamic terrorists in Albania. These are reportedly involved in illegal arms and drugs trafficking, and financing of the Kosovo Liberation Army. «Taking advantage of the general break-down of customs control along the Albanian coastline and trying to prop up the new Islamic resistance front in Kosovo, the network was involved in drug traffic towards the East and the West» (K. 11/8). «Albania, the paradise of Islamic terrorists» (E.T. 11/8).

Despite the chaotic situation in the neighboring country, Greek-Albanian relations seem to be very good. However, we must point out that in the descriptions of Greek-Albanian relations in the Greek papers there is a sense of Greek superiority, treating Albania as a poor relative. «Relations with Albania stand on firm ground [...] ‘Greek-Albanian relations are built on a firm basis and have reached the best possible point after the founding of the Albanian state’ the Ambassador of Greece in Tirana, Mr. Prevedourakis, stressed. ‘Greece is a vital partner of Albania, helping it find its way towards Europe. For Greece the stabilization of the situation in Albania is a basic precondition.’» (K. 11/8). The good relations are verified by a series of joint ventures in the sectors of health, education and security. The highest point of good Greek-Albanian relations was the visit of Greek Foreign Minister Th. Pangalos in Tirana. This visit was very well received by the Greek papers. «Border zone for the free movement of persons and goods is created on the Greek-Albanian border, after the reaching of an agreement between the governments of the two countries. [...] Albanians and Greeks residing in this area will be able to move inside this zone by just showing their identity cards without any other controls. [...] Th. Pangalos inaugurated the new Greek Consulate in Korytsa. Very soon an Albanian Consulate will start operating in Thessaloniki. ‘With this new regime, Albanians are given the opportunity to work in Greek territory, while residing in Albania. We are taking a step forward in order to cover many steps backwards taken in the past’ [Th. Pangalos]» (EL. 31/8).

Despite the good bilateral relations at the highest state level, the image of the Albanians which the ordinary Greek people have remains the worst possible. Daily reports on the participation of Albanians in all sorts of criminal offenses, mainly thefts, hashish traffic and violence, have made the name ‘Albanian’ synonymous to criminality and poverty. From time to time the press discovers, always to its surprise, cases of ‘good’ Albanians and presents them as exceptions to the rule. «An Albanian, who became a ‘maitre’ of Sofokleous street from washer of dishes. [...] He listens to Wagner and reads papers dealing with the economy. During the day he plays on the Stock Market and in the evening he follows the financial developments on his computer. He has been in our country for five years now. He is forty five, a lonely person, an Albanian of Greek origin, who is making profit» (EL. 24/8). While listening to Albanian musicians in a restaurant in Northern Greece, Th. Pangalos spoke of «how important the development of music in the neighbor was in the past and said: ‘Here is a field where Greeks have something to learn from Albanians. They can be taught music by Albanians, of course not in restaurants.’ Our hope is that this will not happen in Omonia square or in the jail vans of the police either.» (EL. 31/8)

Apart from the economic situation of Bulgaria covered in the economy sections of the papers, and the repeated concerns about the operation of the nuclear station of Kozlodui, Bulgaria and the Greek-Bulgarian relations were discussed in the Greek press mainly on two occasions: the death of the former Bulgarian leader T. Zhivkov and the visit of the Bulgarian Prime Minister in Athens.

The news of the death of T. Zhivkov was widely covered by the Greek press, mainly because, as many articles pointed out, Zhivkov was considered a friend and supporter of Greece, particularly with reference to Turkey. «The agreement of friendship, non-aggression and military cooperation of 1986 created an axis between Athens and Sofia, counterbalancing Turkish expansionism. This expansionism was manifested in Bulgaria (and is still manifest) as the Turks are exploiting the large Muslim/Turkish minority, using it as a pressure lever of Ankara» [«An Old Friend of Greece Passed Away» (Eth. 7/8)]. Zhivkov’s death triggered comparisons with the present state of Greek-Bulgarian relations: «The reality of the present Greek-Bulgarian relations, which are clearly worse than in the past, requires much harder work for less ambitious results than before, in the framework of a world much more competitive than that of the Karamanlis-Zhivkov friendship or the Zhivkov-Papandreou dances» (K. 9/8).

The climate of distrust as regards the development of Greek-Bulgarian relations, which was prevailing in the press during the visit of the Greek Prime Minister in Sofia last April, has apparently changed now, when the Bulgarian Prime Minister returned the visit. Most of the articles speak of an improvement in the relations between the two countries, through the promotion of bilateral economic cooperation, of concrete projects (Burgaz-Alexandroupolis gas pipeline) and of a zone of free transport. «It is a fact that the traditionally good relations of our country [...] with all governments of Bulgaria over the last decades, were discontinued - almost a year ago - when the present center-right government of Mr. Kostov came to power. Of course, this does not mean that the relations between the two countries are bad, but from the very first moment the neighbors treated our country with reservation and mistrust. There are many who claim that up to a certain point they still have reservations today. However, after yesterday’s meeting between Mr. Simitis and Mr. Kostov, sources close to the Prime Minister spoke of a change in the Bulgarian position. A change, they said, that had started becoming visible during the recent visit of Mr. Simitis in Sofia» (EL. 27/8).

The echoes of the recent anti-Macedonian hysteria still defining the prevailing picture. Although extreme descriptions such as «Gypsy Skopjans», «statelet of Skopje» and other similar names heard in the past are disappearing, the prevalence of the name Macedonia internationally still sets off feelings of national humiliation and is used to criticize the policy of the government. «We have reached the point of begging our poverty-stricken neighbors for a shameful version of a composite name which, of course, will include the term ‘Macedonia.’ Yet Gligorov, a wise and experienced politician, is to such an extent aware of the lack of self-confidence of the Greek state, that he does not grant us this favor either. You, who have this ...complex, may call us as you wish, but ‘Macedonia is Macedonia’, he recently proposed, scoffing in essence the Greek argument which has been the emblem in our negotiations in the beginning of the decade» (E.T. 9/8).

The mobilization of the Macedonians of Bulgaria for the abolition of the Bucharest Treaty and the recognition of their right to found an organization promoting the rights of the Macedonians of Bulgaria, was received by the entire press as a coordinated and threatening propaganda of those who wish to raise border issues, aspiring to divide Greek and Bulgarian Macedonia. «A group of nine self-called ‘Macedonians of Bulgaria’ submitted to the Parliamentary Secretariat a letter addressed to the Parliament’s Chair, Mr. Yordan Sokolov. In this letter, the illegal organization of Bulgarian ‘Macedonians’ ‘OMO/Iliden’ demanded that the People’s Assembly of Bulgaria declares ‘invalid’ the Bucharest Peace Treaty by which the borders of the different Balkan states were defined after the Balkan wars in 1913. ‘Iliden’ carries on its illegal activities for the ‘autonomy’ of South-East Bulgaria with the material, economic and political support of FYROM, despite the fact that the organization was declared illegal and was banned by Bulgarian Justice immediately after a handful of so-called ‘Macedonians’ founded it five years ago» (E.T. 4/8). The article fails to mention the fact that the European Court has accepted the appeal of this organization which seeks its recognition denied by the Bulgarian state, demanding the same status granted to the ‘Macedonian Culture Club’ in Northern Greece. The Professor of Balkan History of the Democritean University of Thrace, I. Papandrianos, undertook to explain to the readers what the repercussions of the issue could be. «Three ‘Macedonian’ organizations: ‘Iliden’ in Bulgaria (named after the pseudo-revolution of Bulgarians on St. Ilia’s Day in martyred Krusovo (July 20, 1903)); ‘Vino-Zito’ (Rainbow) in Greece, which is also named ‘Ouranio Toxo’; ‘Bratsvo’ in Albania. These three organizations are trying with shameless propaganda and unacceptable falsification of history to create conditions for the ‘Macedonian dream’ to come true in due time. [...] The demand of the chauvinist circles of Skopje and of their offshoots to revise or abolish the Bucharest Treaty, apart from being outrageous, is also an insult to the dead both of the victorious allies and of the defeated Bulgarians who gave their lives so that the national borders be defined by the above treaty» (EL. 8/8).

The All-Macedonian World Conference which proclaimed August 10 «the day of the unification of all Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia» and asked «for respect of the right of the ‘Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia’ to acquire the ‘Macedonian’ nationality wherever they may live» (EL. 11/8) gave the opportunity to the participants in the anti-Macedonian campaign to come out again. «While Athens is complacent, the Skopjans ridicule the intermediate agreement which was meant to put an end to their propaganda, their dreams and their irredentist aspirations. Mr. Gligorov’s local advocates permanently insult us and still believe that the battle for the name is excessive Greek egoism and not a safety valve averting future adventures in our Macedonia» POLAN’s representative, Ak. Gerontopoulos stated (ET, EL 12/8)

There are also numerous references to the internal political situation in Macedonia in view to the coming elections in October. The mounting tension around the Albanian minority residing in the neighbor country has monopolized the interest of the press. The prevailing image concerning the activities of the minority is not negative, as one would have expected if the Greek press was to hold a consistent and firm stand against the existence of minorities. It rather stresses the internal instability and uncertainty in Macedonia. The comment of the pro-Serbian and firmly anti-Macedonian Eleftheros Typos entitled «Kosovo and ‘Macedonia’ - The policy of double standards» is indicative. The article holds the view that regardless of the fact that the Albanian minorities in both Macedonia and Yugoslavia experience the same treatment, in the former country Albanians are a stability factor, while in the latter they are used «by American diplomacy as a golden opportunity... for destabilization» (ET, 23/8).

A visit of a Greek journalist in the Macedonian capital failed to confirm the opinion that there is an aggressive climate against Greece: «Skopje: identity sought [...] Women and men are not only dancing and moving non-stop to the sounds of well known Greek songs, but also know the lines of these songs and are singing them aloud. [And songs are not the only] Greek products in the neighbor country. [...] Despite the systematic propaganda waged for years by circles of FYROM against our country, the existing climate towards the Greeks cannot be described as hostile at all. Moreover, it is certain that the Skopjans want to have closer relations with Greece from the bottom of their hearts. [...] However, the name of the country is still a thorny issue in bilateral relations. And although the overwhelming majority of the FYROM citizens are extremely friendly towards Greeks, there are those who insist that the sun of Vergina is the symbol of their state and who believe, as they said emphatically, in the ‘unification of the three parts of Macedonia’» (E.T. 23/8)

The articles referring to Romania are still very few, mainly in the economy sections of the papers. They deal with the economic course of the country and the margins for closer business relations between Greece and Romania. The image of the Romanians, however, follows two repetitive trends in the Greek press. Romanian women are constantly present on the lists of East European prostitutes coming to Greece. There were many such articles in August when a network of prostitutes was discovered to have close connections to some Greek policemen. Romanian men, on the other hand, are very often included on the lists of usual suspects when thefts demanding special acrobatic skills are reported. «The first suspicions, judging from the way the country house of the head of the Greek Police] was burgled, were directed to the activities of Romanian criminals, who are a major problem for the residents of the area. Many burglaries of houses and shops have been reported, all executed in the same way» (E.T. 4/8) «A four-member gang of Romanian criminals was arrested in Kavala. [The 23-year-old leader of the gang] was considered a person beyond suspicion» (N. 21/8), since «he had acquired Greek citizenship».

The Greek press carries daily reports on Serbia, focusing on the developments in Kosovo. With the exception of Eleftheros Typos, which holds an openly pro-Serbian stand, the rest of the papers adopt the position of the international community [limited autonomy for the Albanians of Kosovo, pressure on Milosevic to stop the attacks, support for the moderates around Rugova]. We must point out, however, that most of the articles refer to the ‘Albanian speaking population’ and not to the Albanians of Kosovo, reflecting the standard practice of the Greek press.

In mid-August, Defense Minister Akis Tsohatzopoulos made a statement in which he blamed the crisis on Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. This statement prompted both sides of the Greek media world to express their views. Most of them sided with the Minister’s statement and pointed out that the pro-Serbian period of Greece is over. «All Greeks were right in favoring Serbia when the Westerners, and mainly the Germans, were working for the undermining and the break-up of Yugoslavia. They implemented their plans in a bloody way, taking advantage of internal contradictions between the peoples of former Yugoslavia. This phase is over. Milosevic, after having settled, started playing games for his personal political survival. He abandoned without a battle the ages-old Serbian cradles of Croatia and Bosnia [...] At the same time he continued with the manslaughter in Bosnia, and ended it under American pressure by shamelessly selling out Karazic and Mladic when they stopped serving his plans. [...] Why should our people feel any sympathy when a crime is committed?» (K. 18/8). Ta Nea pointed out that the end of the policy of axes and the distancing from Serbia was due to four reasons: Serbia did not support Greece on the issue of the name of Macedonia; Greece’s relations with Albania have improved; Greece is a member of important international bodies and cannot consider human rights an internal affair of Yugoslavia (N. 21/8).

Of course, there are also supporters of the other view: «Mr. Tsohatzopoulos greatly surprised us when he discovered the ...enemy not so much in neighboring Turkey but in the face of the Serbian President. With raving statements - nobody knows whether they are part of a ‘special assignment’ or whether they must be attributed to the weak reflexes of Mr. Tsohatzopoulos» (E.T. 17/8). «Tsohatzopoulos’ personal strategy alienates us from New Yugoslavia, a middle-size Balkan power that may prove useful to us. It is evident that the government has lost all political coherence which would enable it to act decisively on matters of foreign policy» (E.T. 18/8). The argument that Mr. Milosevic’s policy represents the whole of Serbia is quite interesting. It reveals a trend of extreme nationalism, because in the name of national homogeneity all kinds of aggressive policies are justified. «Wasn’t there a single well-paid advisors of his to explain to him that Milosevic’s resolute position on Kosovo had the approval of 90% of the Serbian people by decision of a referendum? Haven’t the people in the Ministry of Defense understood that on this particular issue the Serbian President enjoys the support of the entire political spectrum, from the extreme nationalists to the most progressive circles of the Serbian intelligentsia?» (E.T. 23/8).

Remnants of the view that Greece is a traditional ally of Serbia, a country of the same creed, still appear in the press. «Kosovo is Serbian all along. It is consecrated with the sacrifice of 1389 when Serbs and Bosnians fought there against the Turks. Now Kosovo is paying the price for Tito’s vision. Tito opened the door to the Albanians and granted them autonomy just before he died. The neighbors around are seriously worried by the fact that the Great Powers today are again using the revival of the aspirations for a ‘Greater Albania’ dating from World War I.» (ETh. 1/8).

Although neutrality seems to prevail in news reports, it is easier for Serbian positions to find their way into the Greek press. In the month of August there were published two interviews of the Serbian Press Minister, Alexander Vusic (E.T. 4/8 and ETh. 17/8) and of the Yugoslav Ambassador to Greece, Dr. Vutizevic (EL. 25/8). In all three interviews the official Serbian line is presented without any criticism on the part of the journalists. Moreover, in the Eleftheros Typos interview of the Press Minister, the journalist, G. Harvalias, preempted the answers and exceeded the Minister in his pro-Serbian stand. In the introduction to the interview, he mentions that the aim of the visit of the Serbian Minister to Greece was «to promote [...] the profile of the neighboring country which is presented by the international media in an unfair way and to affirm the friendship between our peoples [...]. ‘The first question coming to my mind [...] is related to the fact that your country, although it was right many times, ended up completely losing the image battle in the Western media... [...]. Yet Serbia -which, if it had not been for the war, would have surely been a regional power compared to the other former socialist states in the Balkans- has instead become the scapegoat of the international community» (E.T. 4/8).

None of the Greek papers carried an interview with a representative of the Kosovar Albanians. There was just a report in Eleftherotypia (16/8) which succeeded in locating the ‘almost nonexistent Greek community of Kosovars’ and speak with two of its members: «I am certain that had I been in another country, I would have been better informed. The media are following the line of the government. For example, they shouldn’t have used the term ‘Kosovo province.’ We are not a province of Yugoslavia».

Turkey occupies the Greek press much more than the other neighboring countries. It is considered the Number One external threat to the country. Although some of the progressive papers led by Eleftherotypia have articles which try to refute the negative image and promote a cooler approach to the situation on the basis of peaceful coexistence of the two peoples, the prevailing image is that of sharp internal contradictions, as summarized in the Kathimerini article on James Petifer’s book ‘The Turkish Labyrinth’. «There are two wombs - Instanbul and Ankara; mysticism and secularism; the brothel and the mosque; passion and atonement; Ottoman heritage and Ataturk’s heritage; Islam and the army; corruption and poverty. The Eastern Issue of the 19^th century is still alive inside Turkey, internalized because of Kemal Ataturk. It creates the present Turkish Labyrinth» (K. 16/8)

The crucial role played by the army in Turkish decision-making transforms Turkey into a threat for the wider Balkan area and intensifies the democratic deficit inside the country. «After a short pause in which they manage to clear up certain internal matters, the Turkish military reaffirmed their strong grip over the life of the country. Turkey is heading towards elections and is stuck in the constellation of armaments» (E.T. 16/8). The army, on the other hand, is «the underground current regulating the fate of the country». «This is the first constitutional crisis of such proportions after 1946 (when the multiparty system was adopted). The only comforting indication is the unanimity of all political parties on the need to broaden parliamentary democracy and limit the political role of the army» (K. 29/8).

Some Turkish officials’ statements for various international media refer to the aggressive stand of Greece against Turkey. They are described as successful Turkish propaganda, while Greece is criticized for not achieving the promotion of Greek interests. «Turkish propaganda has succeeded in reversing everything once again. While they threaten, blackmail, commit illegal acts and occupy foreign lands -by trampling on international law and international treaties- they present themselves as innocent doves, threatened by Greece and by the martyr island of Cyprus, both of which are traditionally peace-loving countries» (retired wing-commander P. Economou, V. 30/8). «As is well known, the staff of the international Public Relations department of the Turkish regime has been doing a great job for years now. And when it comes to Cyprus, they have achieved the... impossible: not only have they convinced a large part of the mass media that the issue of invasion and occupation of Cyprus is not worthwhile discussing anymore, but they are trying to convince the media that the Republic of Cyprus is able to block... militarily both Northern Cyprus (armed to the teeth) and Turkey itself, were it to acquire the anti-aircraft missiles!» (K. 21/8).

An isolated event -Turkish tourists raised the Turkish flag in the port of Kalymnos- provoked a storm of reactions by the public and the press. «‘They should have punished those who killed Tasos Isaak in Cyprus in an exemplary way.’ These were the angry words of the residents of Kalymnos and Kos yesterday [...]» (ETh. 18/8). Kathimerini speaks of Turkish nationalism: «The symbols of a militant quarrelsome nationalism are very prominent in Turkish discourse and daily behavior, especially in the last years. [...] The military, which used to be immune to populist microbes in the past, are now using cheap tricks, such as ‘denunciations’ that Greece helps the PKK, in order to channel the big issue which burdens Turkey [the Kurdish issue]... The flag, its exhibition and protection, have become a central element of the political atmosphere prevailing since the days of Ciller». From the exactly opposite standpoint, Y. Tzanetakis underlined the reactions in order to speak about Greek nationalism: «We are not allowed to think that the attempts to stage the same scenery as that from January ’96, fifty days or so before the municipal elections, are naive or spontaneous acts. Of course, the reactions were sparked by the dominant (or temporarily victorious) tendency of New Democracy: by inflating an isolated incident into a big issue of national proportions, they loudly blamed and criticized government officials who safeguarded the seriousness of the country. This seriousness would have been gravely hit, had we started ‘shouting’ because a private Turkish individual made a stupid move without thinking of the consequences. Had this move been done in Belgium by a Dutchman, it would have remained completely unnoticed» (EL. 22/8).

Some timid steps towards the promotion of cooperation between the two peoples are starting to appear discreetly in the Greek press. The cultural field is a privileged area for such an approach. There have been some documentaries on the coexistence of Greeks and Turks in Asia Minor until 1922. Also visits of Turkish students in Greece are covered to a great extent by the Greek press and create a positive climate for a peaceful approach. This turn of the public opinion is revealed by an opinion poll of Ta Nea (3/8). As Elefterotypia said: «The data of this opinion poll have not been commented on by the supporters of the line of intransigence and immobility. Obviously this is so, because these data contradict their blatant analyses according to which the citizens of this country are now firmly committed to the logic of non-dialogue [...] The opinion poll shows that they [Greeks] desire to live peacefully with their neighbors -opponents from time immemorial- that they do not consider direct dialogue and negotiations to be shameful acts, that they treat with obvious distrust the extremists and the warmongers, that they do not repudiate in advance the efforts for the rapprochement of the two countries. None of this brings the conclusion that they have been infected by the microbe of complicity, or that they are ready to yield to treacherous advice, to corrupt admonitions and to inelegant pressures of ‘third parties’» (EL. 16/8).