by Christina Rougheri, Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights Group - Gr.

ABSTRACT

Reactions and negative commentaries on the forthcoming repeal of Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code as well as on the legalization of the illegal immigrants in Greece. Correlation between the immigrants and the percentages on criminality. Restrained optimism about the future of Albania, references also to its past. Interest in the Greek minority and discussions about Omonia. The reactions "regarding a Bulgarian minority in Greece" continue, an echo from the Stoyanov visit. Unforgivable is the apology extended to the Turks for the years of oppression suffered by the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. Macedonians = Bulgarians. An equation which emerges from a lot of references but also from the statements made by the Greek President of the Republic. Cultivation of a climate of intransigence with regard to the name, but also superiority feelings visa-a-vis the Macedonians. The Jaferi statements as well as the internal problems of the country are a legitimization of the Greek positions. Romania: the "bad" past of the Greek-Romanian relations is called forth due to the recent events in Albania. The relations between the Serbs and the Croats, Milosevic’s return to the political limelight, but also the problems in the Greek-Serbian relations created by the Schengen Treaty, are on the forefront. A profound climate of dicontent and pessimism for the affiliation between Turkey and "Denktash’s pseudo-state". Analogies between the "barbarous and anti-democratic" Turkey with Hitler’s regime. Citizens’ initiatives for the promotion of Greek-Turkish relations, bright exceptions.

Internal Minorities

The way in which the Greeks themselves understand themselves as well as their neighbors can, to a certain extent, be demonstrated in a commentary published in Ap. (17/8). "The historical course and, in particular, the origin of our people has to be illuminated, because many are those who, being full of inferiority complexes and feelings of failure and inability, want to demean us nationally, historically and culturally by inventing unhistoric, inept, unsubstantiated arguments which serve interests of foreign peoples who attempt to meet their political needs by stealing histories in order to present them as their own. Until now, this has been the case with our neighbors whose aim was and still is to have a way out to the Aegean Sea and, more generally, to the Mediterranean. In general, since Greece has always been a bridge for a geographical junction between Europe and Asia, the aim of all the peoples who have passed and still want to pass through has been a commercial, political, economical and military aim. (...) They have named us Turks, Slavs, Jews, Romans... You can imagine the hatred and complex!" These feelings, feelings of supremacy and superiority on the one hand but also of persecution mania on the other, make up the stand taken by the majority of the Greeks as well as by the political and press world, and explain the way in which Greek public opinion reacts on minority issues and bilateral relations (like the Macedonian issue). History, Greece’s participation in the E.U. and its economic supremacy compared to that of its neighbors cultivate (always with the assistance of the education system and the mass media) the impression that Greece is entitled to be non-negotiable and a leader vis-a-vis its threatening and dangerous neighbors.

In commenting on the Balkan Neighbors Project, El. (17/8) reports: "It is a project which monitors the image of ‘the other’ as it appears in the Balkan press. The articles are indexed and collected in monthly ‘reports’. These ‘reports’ also include the viewpoint of each associate on the content of the articles. A viewpoint usually cool-headed, while at times the personal positions prevail over the cool-headedness (for example, there is a mention on ‘Turks within Greece’s borders who are recognized only as a religious minority and are called Muslims’ and on ‘Macedonians whose existence is denied by the Greek government’)". The fact that the reports on the Turkish and Macedonian minorities are characterized by the reporter of El. as a "personal position" of the associate who covers Greece, reflects the invariable political and journalistic practice of non-recognition of national minorities within the Greek territory.

The disapproval shown by newspapers belonging primarily to the conservative area in relation to the forthcoming repeal of article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code, is profound. "The modernisers’ government is proceeding at full speed towards repealing article 19 in an attempt to serve Turks, ‘Macedonians’ but also Albanians (on a more long-term perspective...). And you can be sure that not only will the agents of Turkey and the ‘children of the Aegean Sea’ come back, but they will also claim fortunes" (E.T. 3/8). "Thrace is in danger of becoming filled with Turks. A fact which will upset the population balance in the area to the detriment of our country and to the benefit of Turkey’s expansionist aims towards achieving autonomy for the area" (E.T. 3/8).

In relation to the Macedonian minority, this month also the classical motif is repeated when dealing with minorities on an ethnic basis in Greece. The article in E.T. (25/8) is typical: "In Florina, the Skopjanophiles of the ‘Rainbow’ have indulged in ‘irgies’. One of them stole in at the press conference of the ministers of Culture of Greece-Skopje, and ‘threw’ the provocative question: ‘Is there a selective treatment with regard to the movement of artists from the neighboring country?’, thus implying that those who are so-called ‘Macedonian’ refugees do not have a free passage. Fortunately, being a Macedonian, Venizelos understood the ‘trap’ and he replied accordingly. However, should the government and the local society of Florina isolate these anti-national ‘voices’".

An exception to the invariable tactics followed by the Greek press on such issues, is the report by T. Michas in El. (29/8) in relation to the "taking away of the citizenship from a Turkish-speaking Greek, in 1984, because the attempt to win him over" failed as he refused "to become an informer". The headline chosen is particularly characteristic: "They have copied the Turkish methods".

On the occasion of the State Department’s report on religious freedoms in Greece, a reporter in A.T. (2/8) comments: "While the notorious Americans ‘look for a needle in a haystack’ in relation to violation of human rights, they continue to violate the rights not only of the Blacks, Porto Ricans, Mexicans and Cubans. They criticize the Greeks who see with a "suspicious eye’ the Jehovahs - who refuse to serve their fatherland- whereas they do not ...allow [them] to enter a bus!...". This is a usual reaction which, on the occasion of any such reports, invariably turns its fire either towards Turkey or towards other foreign centers by evaluating the findings of the reports as anti-Hellenic propaganda. However, it is characteristic that, on the same day and in the same issue (as well as in the entirety of the Greek press) the following news is reported: "Fire-brigade: Only Greeks and Christians accepted. No to foreigners" (A.T. 2/8). The news refers to the engagement of employees in the Fire-Brigade and the decision taken by the Council of State to consider that it is a legal right of the Greek state not to employ foreign and/or non-Christian citizens on the grounds that their ideas and different convictions may hinder the correct and unobstructed performance of their tasks.

On the occasion of the decision taken by the municipal council of Aghia Paraskevi to pull down shanties of the Gypsies living in the area, which had been constructed without licence, K. (3/8) comments: "The Gypsy, who is in the streets with his family after his shanty in Aghia Paraskevi was pulpified by the state which did not concern itself with the problem of his resettlement, asks: ‘Are we Greek citizens? Do we have any rights?’ However, everybody knows the reply which can be given to the twenty-eight families who were made homeless in Aghia Paraskevi when the unlicenced shanties of the 35-year old settlement were dismantled by the bulldozers following the municipal council’s decision. In Greece, the Gypsies are Greek citizens ‘on paper’ only. That’s why, at present, twenty-eight families are out in the streets in high summer. No ‘decent’ area will accept the existence of a Gypsies’ settlement".

With regard to the forthcoming legalization of the (illegal) immigrants who live and work in Greece, the reactions by a part of the press as well as by anonymous citizens as they are expressed through letters to the press, show an increasing rise in numbers as well as in frequency of appearance. The interest is focused, primarily, on the Albanian immigrants and on the eventuality of having an Albanian minority formed within the Greek territory. The objections raised by the former minister for Public Order, S. Papathemelis, are typical: "For seven years now we have been feeding the Albanian society and the Albanian state" (E.T. 7/8). The commentaries which follow are also typical: "A new wave of mass illegal immigration in sight. From the moment that the government accepted a procedure for the registration and at least the temporary legalization of the Albanian illegal immigrants in Greece, a great incentive has been offered to the wretched and suspects of the neighboring country for coming to Greece to get registered and legalized!" (E.T. 6/8). "An invitation to ...prospective Albanian illegal immigrants (in addition to the 300,000 who are already enjoying hospitality on Greek territory) was extended, yesterday, by the minister for Foreign Affairs, Th. Pangalos, in Tirana, who committed himself publicly on immediate legalization of stay for at least twelve months, to all those who will hurry and ‘get registered’, without even establishing the legality of their entry into our country!" (E.T. 6/8). "The stay of the illegal immigrants in Greece disorganizes the labor market, causes phenomena of social disintegration and creates the objective conditions for the manifestation of phenomena of xenophobia and racism. The ‘easy’ solution for both governments is the exportation of the wretched Albanians to Greece and the support to the Albanian economy by the immigrants’ foreign currency in drachmas. The correct solution, however, is the drastic reduction of the Albanian illegal immigrants in Greece" (E.T. 3/8). In a commentary entitled: "A door to an Albanian minority", E.T. (10/8) estimates that the forthcoming bill "creates preconditions for the consolidation, for the first time since the Second World War (after the withdrawal of 180,000 Albano-Tsamides???), of an Albanian minority with an internationally guaranteed status". A similar view is also that expressed by the reader V. Mitropoulos in his letter to Ap. (13/8): "Most (of the immigrants) come from neighboring countries, Albania, Skopje, Bulgaria, Turkey. Many are Muslims and they will rapidly pass under Turkey’s influence and guidance, no matter which country they come from. Also, there are many Romanians, and Romania already claims a minority in Greece, meaning the Greek Vlachs! Namely, we, ourselves, construct large and hostile minorities in our country which, very soon, will create problems similar to those of the Muslims in Thrace and they will try to cut off pieces of our fatherland and annex them to their own fatherlands".

The issue of illegal immigration is invariably related to the rise in criminality in Greece in recent years. Any increase in the percentages of criminality is attributed as a whole and almost always to the immigrants in Greece and to the Albanians in particular. "Last year, a 60% of the criminal actions in the [Athens] Basin was due to the Albanian illegal immigrants. They are followed by the Romanians, Russians, Georgians, Asians and Africans" (Ap. 11/8). "In many villages, the ‘foreigners’, Albanians, Romanians, Asians, overbalance the local population which is continually shrinking. During the day, they flood the coffee-houses, and during the night, they often set up gangs which do not leave even ‘the oil in the church oil-lamps’. They speak about robberies with injuries, about kidnappings, burglaries, cattle-stealing etc. which never reach publicity, because the local correspondents have got tired of concerning themselves day in day out with routine events" (E.T. 4/8). "It is not accidental that simultaneously with the invasion of the immigrants from the North and the East, criminality also skyrocketed. The Greeks in the borderlands live under a regime of democracy under occupation, with the Albanians’ gangs coming in and out, while other gangs dominate also the Basin. Circuits of Albanian, Russian, Bulgarian and Romanian criminals indulge in orgies all over the country, in the absence of any resistance. What is there left to do? What else than self-defence!" (E.T. 20/8). Nevertheless, among the scant exceptions to the above rule, the following commentary by a reporter of A.T. (7/8) can be included: "Poor Albanian brothers of ours, economic refugees under savage exploitation and extreme disdain, water the Greek soil with their fertile sweat and, at times, they get gathered in police vans like mad dogs and they get deported from the official border door, only to come back frightened to death through the window of the mountains. On Albanian territory, Greek gangsters with sonorous posts in the Greek consulates rob them for a ‘visa’. Besides, this is the reason why the Greek security people kill each other in Gjirokastra in the share-out. Every day they share among themselves millions from the poor man’s meager means. And what is happening at the borders with the real gangs of the Albanians? Quite simply, they are Greek-Albanian gangs and they practise the ancestral tradition of the joint brigand’s life. But ‘all the wrong loaves are made by the daughter-in-law’ in the oven of Greek hypocrisy". The commentary in Ap. (8/8) was, more or less, on the same wave-length: "‘I do not want Albanians as customers’, said a prostitute in Salonica to thirteen persons from Albania, hungry for sex, and she shut to them the door of her house which, due to her refusal, should not be characterized as ‘house of tolerance’ [a house of ill repute in Greek]. After a while, however, the turned on Albanians returned being resentful because the reason for which the prostitute refused to receive them meant national humiliation for them, and they smashed up everything, with stones and sticks. In other words, the price for a racist policy in the market of prostitution is high".

"The demand made by the Albanians in Greece to have the Albanian language taught in Greek schools" is characterized by "government sources" as "an attempt to create an issue of an Albanian minority in Greece from the back door" (N. 21/8). The issue is dealt with negatively by the majority of the press, with the exception of El. (21/8) which makes no comments on the news, thus keeping a neutral position.

In a particularly racist style, a reporter in N. (30/8) reviles at the foreign domestic assistants in Greece. "There is also a category of domestic assistants who, despite the fact that they have never in their lives seen a vacuum cleaner, already from the first day claim wages equal to an employee employed for the first time and, moreover, they also count in all allowances. If they happen to speak some Greek words, then you pay ...a thousand drachmas per word. With regard to co-habitation? It is true hell. When a domestic assistant from this category initially turns up, it is as if she came from Biafra. However, when she leaves, it is with some difficulty that she can pass through the door. She wears clothes from the open-air market and, after a few months, her wardrobe has been fully renewed with models from fashion houses. She eliminates everything that she has destroyed and only after she is gone you discover that in a little while you will not have even one glass to drink water from, or pillowcases, half the underwear. If she is ...hard-working, she cleans silverware with wire-wool. If she is good-for-nothing, she grimes the window-panes and see if you can get them back to normal. So, this class of working people is likable, but at least we will have to get paid in order to train them. And, moreover, [we should be paid] a salary increased with mental health allowance. Enough of this...".

Albania and the Albanians

The framework for the co-operation between Greece and Albania, as this was set up following a visit to Albania by a group of Greek ministers and government officials, is seen by the opposition press with particular skepticism. "Certain pro-government newspapers have acquired the habit of describing non-existent diplomatic triumphs achieved by the government. For example, they insist that Greece will build the new Albania, whereas it is well-known that the recent disturbance has led to economic destruction most of the Greek enterprises which have invested in the neighboring country. They present the recent agreements as a confirmation of the Greek business penetration into Albania, whereas the only substantial penetration is that of the hundreds of thousands of Albanian illegal immigrants into the disintegrated Greek labor market. Legalization of their presence in Greece means exportation of the Albanian unemployment and social problems into our country" (E.T. 14/8).

The effort made by the Greek press to explain the present situation in Albania, also includes their calling forth of the history in the greater region, in order to demonstrate a historically proven inability on the part of the Albanians to be protagonists in the new developments. "Whichever method of study is chosen by anybody for a period in history, it will prove particularly difficult to decide with certainty with regard to the roots of the Albanian nation and, consequently, with regard to the Greek element with its very strong presence and influence within the limits of the geographical area populated by the Albanians. It is true that, during the 19th century, when the Balkans were shaking by the explosion of national consciousness which resulted in the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Albanians were the last ones who achieved to be self-determined collectively as a nation and, to a great extent, to shake off their feudal relations, their state was established only on the 28th November, 1912. From this standpoint, certainly the Albanians were at a disadvantage compared to Greece and the Greeks as well as compared to the Serbs and the Italians, since they were able to form their state entity much later than they did" (Ex. 14/8).

In the main, Albania is presented primarily by means of its past. "The country which has known the side-effects from the imposition of an artificial democratic system, accentuated the anchyloses and difficulties existing in the post-communist societies, [and] produced a much greater anxiety in sensitive areas like Kossovo and the Tetovo area and certainly the areas where the Greek minority lives" (El. 17/8). Nevertheless, it is a fact that the election of a new government in Albania produces a more positive climate in the Greek press with regard to the image as well as the future of this country. The headline of an article in K. (24/8) is typical: "Something is changing in Albania".

Profound is also the interest shown by the Greek press in the Greek minority in Albania, in some cases, touching upon the limits of ‘danger-talking’. Eth. (24/8) writes about "pogroms" maintaining that "having Tepeleni, Lazarati and Hormova as their base of operations, criminal gangs have been launching an operation of intimidation against the Greek population with the aim to compel it to an exodus towards Greece". "What if the government in Albania has changed. What if Greece makes everything possible to assist the friendly Albanian people. What if only warm words are heard from Athens and Tirana... The Albanian consulate in Athens gets annoyed when we call the Greeks in Albania, Epirotes from the North. A distinguished Athens lawyer stated that he speaks on behalf of an Epirote from the North client of his, only to be immediately criticized: ‘There are no Epirotes from the North, sir, we will not cut Albania in half’. The upgrading of the Greek-Albanian relations in its full grandeur..." (Ap. 29/8). The developments in the party of Omonia are covered also this month. It is characteristic that, already with the end of the Albanian elections, the Greek press holds a reserved position with regard to the role which should be played by Omonia in the future. Since the previous month, K. and El. have started an attempt to demystify the party and to present the issue of the Greek minority in Albania on a more realistic basis. ‘Those opposing the Lambovitiadis leadership declare that Omonia should become ‘an organization of all the Greeks and not of a group of cadres and other centers’, which will function in the framework of the Albanian state and will constitute ‘the will of all the Greeks in Albania and it will not consider as traitors those Greeks who have been elected in parliament or are politically active through Albanian parties" (K. 13/8).

The commentary which follows reflects the manner in which the majority of the Greek press as well as Greek citizens (even those who are Arvanites in origin) see and treat the Albanians: "Of course, independent of how the minister for Foreign Affairs or the presidents of the Arvanites associations see the kinship between the Greeks of Arvanite origin with the present-day Albanians, it is an indisputable fact that the inhabitants of the Inland region, of Thebes, Hydra or Eleusis, for example, consider that they have minimal common features with the unfortunate inhabitants of the neighboring ‘country of eagles’. Moreover, in actual fact, if someone attempts to address some Greek Arvanite as Albanian, they will rather get themselves involved in adventures" (A.T. 10/8).

In his letter to Eth. (25/8), the reader L. Papandreou stands against "the lifting of the state of war with Albania and the ‘opening up of the gates’ to the Albanians", as he claims: "The Albanians have devastated our border villages in Kastoria, as though our defenders of the borderlands (akrites) were left at the mercy of the Albanian Mafia, unprotected by their own fatherland and, moreover, [as though] we offered them every facility".

At the antipode of the aforementioned, a report in El. (24/8) on the occasion of the film "Mirupafsim", mentions the director’s opinion about the Albanians. "The Albanians have no social masks. The fact that they do not hide anything, that they are a photogenic people, that good, bad, jealousy, hatred, love, dedication shine upon them, all that is evident" (El. 24/8).

Bulgaria and the Bulgarians

In echoing the misunderstanding which has arisen following the visit of the Bulgarian president, P. Stoyanov, and the statements made by his entourage on a "Bulgarian minority" in Greece, A.T. (1/8) comments in a particularly scathing style: "Enough of us pulling our pants down - not only for the Turks- but for the Skopjans and the Bulgarians, and on the other hand ...blustering, for internal consumption. If the Bulgarian president, Petar Stoyanov, were to make any hints about a ‘Bulgarian minority’, we should make hints about the Greek Sarakatsani. And so on and so forth also with regard to the greatly talkative Mr. Kiro Gligorov!" (A.T. 1/8).

Particularly negative are the commentaries also on the Stoyanov statement relating to "the pressures which have been exercised, in the past, against the Turkish minority in Bulgaria’". Using a harsh language, the reporter remarks: "The new president of Bulgaria has apologized to Ankara. Surely, the man receives orders from the U.S.A., but has he not wondered, even if once, whether throughout history the Turks have apologized for the atrocities they have committed against Greek populations. Eventually, they will get us to call Zivkov to mind..." (E.T. 3/8).

The Greek press does not fail to also report on the assessments made by the Bulgarian press on the relations between Turkey and Bulgaria, particularly, whenever these are negative. "The Bulgarian government is the target of criticism for its recent stand towards Turkey in the hope that it will support Bulgaria’s entry into NATO. Thus, the Bulgarian government has forbidden the passage of the peace train. However, Turkey has asked the Bulgarian government to deport all the Kurds from the country, something which has led the "24 Hours" newspaper to criticize the behavior of the government as ‘peculiar’ and to add: ‘Is is possible to consider almost one-third of Turkey’s citizens as terrorists, just because they are considered as terrorists by the Turkish politicians?" (Eth. 28/8).

"An ally of the Germans, Bulgaria has proceeded to a Bulgarianization of its southern areas neighboring with Serbia. Liberation found Tito before dilemmas. Bulgarianization had succeeded to a great extent. His own plan was even more pernicious. ‘There are neither Bulgarians nor Serbs on the southern part of Yugoslavia. There are only Slavomacedonians’. The undertaking has turned against Bulgaria which, from 1964, has proclaimed that there is no Macedonian nation. But it was too late. A proof is the former Yugoslavian republic of Macedonia which Bulgaria first hastened to recognize" (Eth. 26/8). The above comment is included in a historical reference to the Greek-Serb friendship during the Balkan wars.

The course of the Bulgarian economy is a special object of attention by the Greek press. Given, on the one hand, the fact that economic instability in a country can trigger unforeseen political upheavals (as, for that matter, it was demonstrated in the recent past) and, on the other hand, the continuous interest shown by Greek entrepreneurs to invest in Bulgaria, the interest and the projection are becoming increasingly greater. Ex. (4/8) makes the assessment that "the link between the lev and the mark has resuscitated Bulgaria" and it considers that "the first month in operation of the Exchange Council has brought stability to the country’s economy, signs of revival in the banking sector which was almost paralyzed, as well as certain benefits from the continuing fall of the mark, the currency which the lev has been linked to". Referring, however, to the unemployment percentages in Bulgaria, Ap. (6/8) notes:"At Stomanovo village in the Rhodope area, which has 511 inhabitants, only the community president has a job, the president of the ‘Pontkreta’ Confederation of Labor, K. Trenchev, stressed, while in some communities in Northwestern Bulgaria but also in Rhodope, the unemployment percentage is over 53%, the trade-union’s vice-president, N. Manolov, added, during a press conference in Sofia today".

The diplomatic as well as historical relations between Bulgaria and Macedonia come to the forefront in the Greek press on any occasion and opportunity. "It is not simply a "language issue" between Skopje and Bulgaria. If this issue is to be ever raised, then worse things will occur in FYROM than in Bosnia. Because, the Slavomacedonians ‘of Bulgarian origin’ outnumber [them]. Therefore, let Gligorov and Stoyanov not rake up things!" (A.T. 2/8). It is evident that, indirectly though clearly, the above commentary raises the issue of origin, history and identity of the Macedonians, and it implies that this is a people which is a product constructed from the geographical and historical mosaic in the Balkans. An important difference between "pure" Greece and the unnamed multi-nation republic is indirectly implied. This feeling is evident in several articles and, in a way, it is correlated with the entire past regarding the claim on the name and with the positions held by Greece about usurpation of its history by Macedonia. "The dispute of the Bulgarians with Skopje is continuing and the scathing joke often heard in Sofia by Bulgarians’ lips is typical of the situation. Kiro is the king of the Gypsies in Bulgaria and fairly well-known in his country. What is common between our own Kiro with the Kiro of Skopje (they mean President Gligorov), the Bulgarians ask the rhetorical question, and they hasten to reply: Our Kiro speaks Gypsy and Bulgarian. K. Gligorov, only Bulgarian’" (Eth. 3/8). Referring to T. Zivkov’s memoirs, Ex. (21/8) quotes the views of the once powerful leader of Bulgaria in relation to the Macedonian issue. "In the Republic of the Vardar, the population is by 68% Bulgarian. Pure-blooded Bulgarians, who have been artificially imbued that they constitute a separate Macedonian nation... The speech which is arbitrarily named ‘Macedonian’ is a western dialect of the Bulgarian language with mixtures of Serbian expressions and other foreign words". Typical is also a reporter’s commentary in El. (22/8) with regard to Zivkov’s statements. "A voice from a bloody epoch which got burnt in its fire, Zivkov’s voice does not cease to remind to fair and sublime people, the ulcer, the deceit, the monstrosity which was set up in the heart of the Balkans; the falsely named Macedonia of the ‘Calm’ one, which was stood on its feet by Stalin (and Tito). And which is fostered with care by the Americans and the Germans".

Yet, apart from the personal views of the Greek press reporters and associates, the impressions produced by the positions held by the official spokesmen on Greek policy are much stronger. "In essence, this state has rejected its national identity. Because, if we want to be fair towards history, those who live today in the so-called Skopje state are not Macedonians. This is a name which they have obtained for reasons of policy and expediency since the epoch of late Tito. In essence they are Bulgarians. They have reached the point of accepting the Bulgarians in 1941, with great ceremonies, with Bulgarian flags and uniforms. There is no Macedonian language. It is nothing more than a creation". These statements made by K. Stefanopoulos, the Greek President of the Republic, come to crown all the aforementioned comments which, since the beginning of this month, strengthen among the Greek readers the "equalizing picture" that the Macedonians are Bulgarians.The statements made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Th. Pangalos, complete the puzzle of Greece’s superiority complex vis-a-vis Macedonia. "Greece is the only significant country bordering with Skopje and it supports them in their development, and the only one which has no other problem with them beyond that which we are discussing in New York. They will have to consider very seriously the outcome of these negotiations, namely, lest we reach the conclusion that it is not worth occupying oneself with Skopje and their population" (V. 31/8).

The promotion of A. Jaferi’s statements consolidates even further the conviction that the identity of the neighboring state is forged and fabricated, strengthening the Greek readers’ feelings of superiority but also of justification, making them essentially unwilling to accept any compromises with the neighbors even now, when the Greek government openly downgrades the issue of the name. "Referring to the relations of F.Y.R.O.M. with the neighboring countries, A. Jaferi accused the President, Mr. K. Gligorov, for usurping ‘the historical and cultural heritage of the other Balkan countries’ giving as a characteristic example ‘the self-evident historical antiquities of Greece and Bulgaria’. The leader of the Albanian speaking community concluded by pointing out that ‘there is no real but only fictitious ‘Macedonism’, because it attempts to be constructed on the basis of a myth’ which ‘has been created by K. Gligorov and his friends" (K. 13/8). Moreover, on the occasion of the above statements, A.T. (16/8) comments regarding Greece’s failure on the issue of the name as a "Skopjan ‘fiasco’" maintaining that "we were defeated diplomatically by a country which is breaking up".

Parallel to this, lately, questions are being expressed by a section of the press regarding "the Greeks from Skopje and the fact that not even the slightest interest is manifested in them, at a time when Mr. Gligorov and his friends raise an issue on some, non-existent of course, so-called ‘Macedonian’ minority in Greece" (E.T. 3/8).

The internal political problems of the country which are relevant to the multi-ethnic basis of Macedonia are, traditionally, of particular interest to the Greek press. Fears are expressed on the future of the country and also of the greater area, while, invariably, the whole issue is also related to the identity of Macedonia. It is assessed that "the good fortune of this minute republic, despite the continuous American protection, begins to vanish" (Ap. 3/8) and it is argued that "the stability in FYROM depends mainly on the viability of K. Gligorov himself and his government, on the continuation of American funds which sustain Skopje’s fragile economy, as well as on the equilibrium in the Tirana-Tetovo-Pristina Triangle (El. 17/8). "Now, of course, the question is asked, what is the character of this country, if this country - rather, this state, because the word country is too heavy here- can remain united with so big differences, if it can hold out undivided no matter how much the great powers are trying to do this" (Ap. 3/8)."The Albanian minority is the most significant but not the only one in this small mosaic-country which has much more serious requirements than the name, and these are the recognition of the existence of a Macedonian nation, a notion fairly clear and confused in itself" (E.T. 24/8).

The issue of the name is in the limelight for the umpteenth time: "In its last issue, the French magazine ‘Paris Match’ has a special supplement on Skopje, where there is a fully spread reference to ‘Macedonia’, to its contribution in the political stability in the region and to the opportunities for profitable investments. Of course, nowhere is there a reference to ‘FYROM’ nor is there any reservation recorded on the internal instability caused to Skopje by the all powerful - and, according to information, armed- Albanian minority. Of course, these people are only doing their job. The problem lies at the hands of the Greek politicians who have not succeeded in coping with a small and sickly state. And you kind of get seized by feelings of melancholy, when you see K. Gligorov standing victor at the diplomatic battle against the most powerful country in the Balkans" (A.T. 22/8). "Many questions have been raised in Northern Greece by the off-handedness and the hasty initiatives of some official bodies in promoting the inter-border co-operation between Greece and Skopje, under the guidance of the Simitis’ government. Today, in the theater at Drossato in Kilkis, meetings are taking place with the participation of the Skopjans. Specifically, once more and without having clarified the name under which the Skopjan officials represent their country, community presidents from Kilkis and the mayors of Doirani and Yevgeli from the neighboring country, proceed into holding a joint meeting on Greek territory at Doirani" (Ap. 22/8).

President K. Gligorov was characterized as"implacable and provocative" (Ap. 26/8) on the occasion of his recent statements regarding the issue of the name. "The statement made by the President of F.Y.R.O.M. that he is not going to accept a compromise solution on the issue of the name, not even a proposal for a composite name, demonstrates that the regime in the neighboring country is not prepared to restore full relations with Greece. Undoubtedly, the right of choice is fully at the hands of K. Gligorov and his associates, but it would be naive to consider that the inflexibility of the political establishment in F.Y.R.O.M. will not have any consequences. (...) The certain thing is that he will not have a substantial support from Greece which, as was proven in the case of Albania, can be extremely helpful" (K. 28/8).

The issue of the name is also correlated with the Macedonian minority in Greece, as well as with the internal problems of the country."Even in the ‘progressive’ establishment of the ponderous national stupefaction, it is now a common secret that ‘the Macedonian People’ do have a name but do not exist. Slavs and Albanians kill each other in the multi-nation medley of Skopje, where various other national minorities, even bought over zombies from Romania, act also in a liquidationist manner. (...) Just a month ago, Skopje were confronted once more with an existential problem. And what did Gligorov do then? He demanded immediately international recognition for ‘a Macedonian national minority’ within the Greek Macedonia. And official Athens? A clinic for national fractures. Be quiet, Skopje is in danger!" (A.T. 29/8).

Many Greek newspapers protest against the way with which the Greek state deals with the procedure of granting visas to the "Skopjans". "The queues of the Skopjans’ passenger cars at the borders, especially at the border stations of Evzoni and Doirani, stretch to kilometers in length. And with industrious efforts without any increase in personnel, the police and customs authorities strive to manage. And the ordeal for the visa goes on with photographs, papers, copies and so on and so forth!" (A.T. 11/10). It is evident that the image of the Macedonians and the stand taken by the Greek press towards them are significantly differentiated when there are issues on tourism, inflow of Macedonian exchange and economic co-operation between the two peoples.

The official reaction by the Macedonian government "on the occasion of Greece’s participation in the construction of the national motorway from Belgrade upto Skopje" is characterized as "a new provocation by Skopje against Greece" (Ap. 21/8). "Suggestions to the Simitis government also as to how the funds of the Greek budget should be allocated are now made by the Skopje government encouraged by the unbelievable tolerance in Athens" (E.T. 21/8).

Commenting on the decision taken by the Ministers for Culture of Greece and Macedonia for further co-operation, S. Papathemelis, a PASOK deputy and former minister, stated in El. (25/8): "We all are for cultural relations. But, here, it is not about cultural relations but about a national ‘unbreeching’. Nevertheless, the majority of the newspapers come out for the effort speaking about a ‘cultural spring in the relations between Greece and Skopje" (Eth. 25/8).

At the antipode of all the aforementioned is the following article: "‘Out with the Skopjans’, states a slogan in black letters on an overhead bridge outside the city of Florina. Undoubtedly, it was written years ago. Today, however, the Minister for Culture, E. Venizelos, will meet with his Skopjan counterpart in Florina, whilst yesterday, in Florina, the Minister for Justice, E. Yiannopoulos, asked for those families who were brought by developments on the other side of the border to be given the possibility to visit Greece. This is the way history is made, with and without slogans" (El. 23/8).

Romania and the Romanians

Under the headline: "Crucial and ‘tormenting’ questions", an article in A.T. (8/8) notes: "We have accepted even Romanians as a military mission in Gjirokastra and Korce. We are hopeful that they will not consider the Vlach-speaking Greeks living there as their ancestors!"

Reservations are expressed in El. (17/8) that "despite the optimistic climate, we have not yet seen what the social reactions will be to Constantinescu’s new and ambitious liberal economic program". So, Romania is photographed as the new, probable center of social upheavals in the Balkans in future, a fact which proves that, for a large section of the Greek press, any stability is particularly fragile.

Serbia and the Serbs

The particular complexes of the Serbs vis-a-vis the Croats are highlighted on the occasion of a soccer match. The article intensely cultivates the impression that the Serbs are possessed by feelings of hatred with regard to the Croats, and now they are unable to tolerate even a defeat at a soccer match. At a second level of reading, it becomes evident that not only Serbia has not overcome the recent past, but also it is with difficulty that it will realistically cope with its relation with Croatia. "‘Serbian lamentation’, ‘The net of shame’, ‘Disaster’ were some of the headlines in Serbian newspapers with regard to the smashing at 5-0 of Belgade Partisan by Zagreb Croatia in the Champions’ League. Serbia experiences a drama. A defeat, yes; it is included in soccer. Exclusion too. But not by the Croats" (Ap. 1/8).

The majority of the Greek press seems to see reservedly the upgrading of S. Milosevic’s role in the political game in Serbia as well as his involvement in the Serbo-Bosnian crisis. "The Serbs had reversed their international reputation as a nation of indignant nationalists and they seemed determined to create a better democratic future. Not any more. Suddenly, Milosevic was once again at the position of the driver..." (V. 3/8). "In Belgrade, S. Milosevic, who was elected at the post of President of Yugoslavia, does not seem to be threatened by anything else except the separatist tendencies in Montenegro" (V. 24/8).

The demystification of Milosevic is intensified on the occasion of the Serbo-Bosnian crisis: "Why, for example, only Karadjic was characterized as a war criminal, whereas, from some moment on, S. Milosevic was ‘declassified’? Is perhaps because, after having triggered the nationalist volcano in post-Tito Yugoslavia, Milosevic co-operated opportunistically with the West in order to maintain his powers? Why is Germany permanently annoyed only by the Serbian (indisputable) crimes? Whenever the Croats kill, do the Germans happen to look the other way?" (N. 22/8). "But this (Milosevic’s) ‘policy’ will be paid for by the next generations also, in the form of a permanent destabilization in the area, a return to anachronistic nationalist ideologies, to fascist views and to primitive hatred. This policy has led to the creation of a desert in the heart of Europe, to the blocking of democratization and of political and economic reforms. This ‘policy’ produced new unresolved contradictions, which lead to a new vicious circle of conflicts and bloodshed" (El. 26/8).

"Our embassy in Belgrade invokes the Schengen Treaty, when it delays the visas of the Yugoslav tourists who want to come to our country. The same things are heard in Moscow, Sofia and Bucharest, when Slovenes, Croats and Skopjans come with minimal formalities. Could it be, Mr. Pangalos, that we make it difficult for our traditional friends or those to whom we send the largest exports? However, when all these discover neighboring Turkey - which fawns on them without asking for any visas- then it will be too late to bring them back" (E.T. 11/8). It becomes clear that, when it is about issues of an economic nature, the Serbs become much easier traditional friends and allies of the Greeks in the Balkans. The line of thinking of the writer is more self-interested than universal. And, perhaps, it becomes even more so, if the "bogey" of Turkey and the possible political and economic benefits that can be got by Turkey when taking advantage of the mistakes made by the Greeks, are called forth.

In relation to the country’s economy, Ex. (22/8) reports: "Yugoslavs and international analysts consider that the repeated announcements made by Belgrade government about the modernization of the country’s economy are words void of any content".

Turkey and the Turks

"‘The most serious obstacle to the solution to the Cyprus issue’, says P. Kitromilidis, a Greek-Cypriot professor in the University of Athens, ‘is the fact that the two communities do not share a single moral area’. It is the ‘lack of the ability to become indignant at the crimes committed by your side against the other side’. ‘That which is really terrifying’, the Turkish-Cypriot lecturer in the University of Cyprus, Niyazi Kizilyurek tells us, ‘is not only the fact that the two communities turn a blind eye to the crimes they have committed, but also that they seem to approve them. In the eyes of a Turkish-Cypriot, a crime committed against a Greek-Cypriot does not constitute a morally reprehensible act. Exactly the same reasoning prevails also in the thinking of the Greek-Cypriots. Do you know - he asks us- how many persons have been punished by their community for crimes they have committed against innocent members of the other community? Not even one!’" (El. 30/8).

Indeed, the above statements are not among those which are, usually, heard and admitted. And this does not refer only to the Cyprus issue, to the dispute between the Greeks and the Turks. It is typical of the climate which was and is still prevailing all over the Balkans. The "moral deficit" is the rule rather than the exception in this turbulent zone, as it becomes evident also from what follows.

On the occasion of the assassination of a Turkish-Cypriot who, in the past, had collaborated with the Turkish secret services, Ap. (20/8) speaks about "involvement of MIT agents in the assassination", while in relation to the principal witness in the case, it notes: "A Greek-Cypriot, a woman of loose morals, who was living together with Nedjip...". The comment that the companion of the Turkish-Cypriot is a "woman of loose morals" adds absolutely not one journalistically interesting fact. Even if this is a true fact, its mention does not concern the case. Indirectly, it is implied that a Greek-Cypriot who will be related with a Turkish-Cypriot, should be of ‘loose morals". The above comment demonstrates in the best way possible the stereotypes which can be made up by the press, even with two words.

The Greek press reacted strongly to the decision of affiliation of Turkey with the northern occupied part of Cyprus. The issue is highlighted as a confirmation for the expansionist policy exercised by Turkey and as a denial of the expectations for a more positive climate in the relations of the two countries following the signing of the Madrid agreement. "Turkey is scornful of the rules. It signs them and then it tramples upon them" (K. 7/8). "The affiliation agreement between Turkey and the pseudo-state of R. Denktash is simply indicative of the political primitivism characterizing the regime which was established in Ankara through the intervention of the armed forces, in order to avert the sliding of the country towards Islamism and bring it closer to the West" (K. 7/8). "Surely, we did not wait for Turkey’s action the day before yesterday, in order to discover that the political-military establishment in Ankara which scorns at international law, at UN decisions and resolutions as well as at the discussions under way resolving the Cyprus issue. Neither did we cherish the illusion that the signing of the Madrid agreement meant that Turkey had at last decided to change its tactics, abandoning the provocativeness and implacability which constitute the major features of its foreign policy" (Eth. 8/8). Moreover, there is mention about "a torpedo-agreement in the discussions" (Ex. 7/8), "an unbelievable provocation which reveals Yilmaz’s true face" (A.T. 7/8), "a third Attila" (Eth. 7/8) and "a partial incorporation of the Turkish-Cypriots by Ankara" (Ex. 7/8).

As an indication of reaction to the aforementioned decision taken by Turkey, three rectors of Greek universities together with 600 noted people co-sign a declaration wherein they ask that "the Cyprus issue should not be concluded in a hurry" (El. 21/8) and say "‘no’ to the Madrid spirit" (Ex. 30/8). When intellectuals, politicians and religious personalities openly come out against the Greek-Turkish rapprochement and the Madrid agreement, one can very easily explain and perhaps justify the attitude formed by ordinary, anonymous citizens towards "their eternal enemies", the Turks. The declaration mentions that "‘realism is to perceive that the new Ottoman Attatourk establishment in Turkey is possessed by a greater Turkey spirit and implements an expansionist policy in Cyprus as well as in the Aegean Sea’", and it notes that "‘we should eliminate this expansionism, not reward it’" (El. 21/8).

On the occasion of the above, the issue of the full admission of Turkey into the European Union is raised again by several reporters. "Ankara gets isolated and commits suicide with its blackmails. Already the West has before it a bleak image about Turkey as a country having rudimentary upto non-existent democratic institutions, having minorities - like the Kurdish minority- under pogroms, with the danger of Islamism expanding, with the establishment of the militaries exercising a stifling control over the political and social life, and with a war machine established on the territories of a member-state of the UN and threatening peace in the wider area. Consequently, a potential acceptance of Turkey into Europe will constitute a criminal act on the part of the West. This is the reason why we maintain that with this policy, Turkey gets self-trapped and this self-trapping will surely lead it to isolation" (Ap. 8/8). "However, instead of assisting e.g. with the admission of Cyprus into the E.U., as a model for co-existence between Christian and Muslim populations and consequently also as a model for its own co-existence within the E.U., Turkey is opposed to its admission, in order to have its own entry effected smoothly! Instead of liquidating the apparatus of nationalist illusion about an Ottoman empire, it attempts to press for admission into the E.U. by presenting itself as an empire" (El. 23/8).

The projection of a "barbarian" Turkey which showily ignores international law and violates the basic rights of its citizens, is one of the "specialities" of the Greek press. Moreover, much greater emphasis is laid when the denunciations come from inside Turkey or from international bodies. "The Turkish deputy premier has acknowledged cruelties against the Kurds. The admission justifies the international human rights organizations as well as those Turkish citizens who have resorted to the European Court against the monstrous methods used by the Turkish army which has devastated whole villages aiming at depriving the PKK guerrillas of the assistance given by the villagers in food and clothing" (K. 1/8). "Turkey may attempt to appear as a European country, the Americans and the Europeans may shut their eyes before Ankara’s extreme Islamist positions, on many occasions, however, they cannot shut their eyes before the Turkish brutalities. A church from the epoch of the Venetians situated between the occupied villages of Aheritos and Prastios in Famagusta has been turned into a sheepfold. The news was published in the Turkish-Cypriot newspaper ‘Ortam’ which also prints a photograph of the desecrated church, whilst it points out that the so-called antiquities department of the pseudo-state is not interested in its protection" (A.T. 7/8). "One more church has been desecrated by Attilas in the occupied territories. It is the holy church of Aghia Anastassia which, according to the Turkish-Cypriot press, is being transformed into ...a tourist complex! According to the article, the church was let to a Turkish-Cypriot entrepreneur for thirty years!..." (Ap. 26/8). "They crow over, they cry out ‘get us’ and they laugh ironically. Of course not, they are neither Mladic nor Karadjic, who, after all, have fought for their fatherland on the first line. They are the Turks. The Turks of Attilas, the Turks in Kurdistan. ... Those war criminals and peace criminals, those who gore the Kurdish children, those who kill Solomos, Isaac, who murder in Cyprus every day" (A.T. 23/8). "Turkey never observes agreements... Now, what can I tell you... They are ignorant of history, thugs, traitors of peace, traders upon the rights of the people... And they are disrespectful towards international conventions" (statements made by E. Yiannopoulos, Minister of Justice, El. 25/8). The headline below is also characteristic in relation to the image fostered by the Greek press regarding Turkey: "Ankara continues to violate human rights. A denunciation by a Member of the European Parliament" (E.T. 5/8).

And, while Turkey is presented as a warning with the argument that it does not respect and does not recognize its multi-cultural past, E.T. (13/8) sees particularly negatively, the eventuality of giving Kemal Attaturk’s name to a street in Salonica which is the native town of the Turkish leader. "Information is being transmitted to the press, that Turkish entrepreneurs have asked to have an Attaturk Museum established in Salonica or to have the city’s Aghiou Dimitriou Street renamed into Kemal Attaturk street! It seems that they are addressing themselves to naive receptors, because such actions will only cause national damage. No-one forgets the bomb provocation at Attaturk’s house in Salonica, which led to a massacre and plunderings against the Greeks in Constantinople in 1955".

Ex (22/8) entitles the second part of the presentation of T. Zivkov’s memoirs as follows: "Ankara was preparing an Attila in for Bulgaria". "By quoting unknown events (T. Zivkov) refers with much clarity to the traps of the Turkish policy, to the singular captivation of Sofia by Ankara - because of the large Muslim minority. As he claims, Sofia knew of a Turkish plan for a repetition of the ‘Cyprus precedent’ in Bulgaria".

This month, it is characteristic that quite a few times, a parallel is drawn between the political leadership in Turkey and Hitler’s regime and, in this way, the Greek press strengthens Turkey’s bad image even more. "Like Hitler, Ecevit believes in a peculiar socialism which is not internationalist but is permeated by profound racist and nationalist elements" (A.T. 21/8). "Turkey functions like Hitler in the 1930s towards the Central and Eastern Europe, with a structural expansionism, and an appeasing way of dealing with it strengthens this aggressiveness" (El. 24/8).

The country’s internal problems occupy on a daily basis the Greek press, which maintains a rather neutral stand vis-a-vis the Islamists and the political-military establishment. The whole issue is dealt with and presented on the basis of a split personality and identity problems which torment Turkey, for a long time. The defence of the Islamists’ rights of expression and political representation are unknown to the Greek press, even to that press which is known as progressive. An article in El. (25/8), even though from its headline ("A concert for democracy opposite Lesbos") it seems to be negatively disposed towards the Islamic positions (by implying that all those who participate in the concert protesting for the positions of the Islamists, are also advocates of democracy), further down in the text, it attacks bitterly the role of the army also. Moreover, A.T. (11/8) maintains that Turkey uses its internal problems for external consumption, with a view to securing further tolerance on the part of the West. "‘The gab’ offered by the Turks to the gullible West (USA, Europe) is still continuing now that they have brought down from government the Islamists. They all buy the fib, namely, that the fifty-five millions of Turks constitute the ‘breakwater’ for Islam now, whereas in the old times they had found another trick, the USSR and communism and again they got themselves settled. Not bad, eh? As long as there are suckers in the West, the Turks will find something to say!" "Turkey is in the threshold of a deeper crisis trapped between the political, military and religious elite. The eventuality of a military coup d’etat which will avert a possible turn towards Islamic practices cannot be excluded, whilst a political compromise will leave the many problems of the Turkish economy and society unresolved, and it will take our neighbors away more from the European Union" (El. 17/8). "In actual fact, therefore, the conflict is a ‘class’, ideological conflict. It is the conflict of the ‘elitist’ society of the big urban centers with the towns in the East. It is the ‘war’ and the attempt made by the East to intervene in the economic, cultural and political life of Turkey which, for many years, has been governed mainly by the Constantinople, Smyrna and Ankara ‘elite’. A conflict, therefore, of interventions, economic and political interests and primarily a ‘class’ conflict. It is the fight for the prevalence of ‘political’ Islam and the vigorous reaction by the capitalist power in Constantinople" (El. 20/8).

The ‘danger-mongering’ and ‘slaying of the Turks’ (tourkofagia) by a part of the Greek press touch upon the 2004 Olympic Games as well as the issue of Greek terrorism. E.T. (11/8) estimates that "the Turkish savages will do everything in their power so that Athens does not have the 2004 Olympiad, perhaps even a hot episode in order to scare off the Geneva Immortals’. "The former Minister for Public Order mentioned that it is his conviction that ‘the Turkish MIT service has illuminating facts (data??) on Greek terrorism but it does not want to assist the Greek prosecuting authorities" (Eth. 25/8).

Eth. (5/8) sees particularly positively the perspective of co-operation between the Greek and the Turkish entrepreneurs. Moreover, the newspaper refers to "an attack of friendship and co-operation". Similar are the commentaries on the film and arts festival between the Greeks and the Turks. "Art sets up a bridge of friendship for Greece and Turkey" (Ap. 22/8). When commenting on the relations between Greece and Turkey, an associate of El. (25/8) maintains: "It is evident that the persistence in preserving the belief among both the peoples that they cannot live peacefully, if not [the belief] of hostility for each other, constitutes a common element in both countries. Obviously for pedagogical reasons".